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C  LIBRARY    f 

UNIVERSITY  OF 
CALIFORNIA 

I       SAN  DIEGO      J 


THE 


TREATMENT  OF  THE  OFFENDER 


THE  SIXTY-SEVENTH  ANNUAL  REPORT 


OF  THE 


PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK 


1911 


THIS  IS  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  SOME  PHASES  OF 
AMERICAN  PRISON  PROGRESS  IN  1911;  OF 
MANY  NEEDS  NOT  YET  MET;  OF  SOME 
EUROPEAN  METHODS  OF  MEETING  PROB- 
LEMS OF  DELINQUENCY;  AND  OF  PLANS 
FOR  THE  FUTURE 


ALBANY 

THE  ARGUS  COMPANY.  PRINTERS 
191  2 


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1 

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: 


ffrrfar? 

The  following  report  is  made  (i)  to  the  legislature  of  the  State  of 
New  York,  (2)  to  the  members  and  friends  of  the  Prison  Associa- 
tion, and  (3)  to  all  others  concerned  about  the  treatment  which 
society  accords  the  offender. 

This  report  is  larger  than  it  has  been  for  many  years,  because  we 
have  embodied  not  only  an  account  of  the  principal  efforts  of  the 
Association  in  1911,  but  also  the  detailed  report  of  our  general 
secretary  on  European  prison  conditions.  He  has  given  special 
place  in  his  report  to  European  methods  of  dealing  with  vagrancy. 

In  this  report  are  published  also  an  address  on  the  "  Statistics  of 
Crime,"  read  by  Mr.  Eugene  Smith,  president  of  the  Prison  Associa- 
tion of  N\\v  York,  before  the  American  Prison  Association  in  1911, 
and  an  article  on  "Witzwil,  a  Penal  Colony,"  by  Prof.  Frank  A. 
Fetter  of  Princeton  University,  published  in  the  Survey  in  1911. 

An  index  will  be  found  at  the  end  of  this  annual  report. 

Prison  farms  and  farm  colonies  are  being  advocated  and  tried. 
The  relation  of  feeble-mindedness  to  crime  is  one  of  the  most  fre- 
quent matters  of  discussion  today  among  American  criminologists 
and  psychiatrists.  Prison  labor  is  prominent  on  the  program  of 
national  and  state  conferences.  The  payment  to  prisoners  and  their 
families  of  prisoners'  wages  and  prisoners'  earnings  is  urged  in  many 
parts  of  our  country.  The  abolition  of  the  jail  is  demanded,  or  its 
reorganization  as  a  place  of  detention  solely  pending  trial. 

Such  are  some  of  the  fundamental  problems  discussed  in  our 
report.  We  ask  of  the  legislature  careful  consideration  of  our  re- 
port; of  our  members  and  other  friends  their  interest  and  their  sup- 
port; and  of  all  those  concerned  with  the  treatment  of  the  offender 
an  appreciation  of  the  vital  seriousness  of  crime  and  of  the  methods 
of  society  in  seeking  to  reduce  lawlessness. 


"I  cannot  end  this  talk  without  emphasizing  what  I  think 
is  at  this  moment  by  far  the  most  pressing  of  the  social  tasks 
in  America,  namely,  the  diminution  of  the  distance  between 
the  ignorant  and  the  intelligent;  the  diminution  of  the 
distance  between  the  vicious  and  the  just;  and  the  diminu- 
tion of  the  distance  between  the  economically  miserable  and 
the  economically  opulent.  More  urgent  than  any  other  problem 
is  the  diminution  of  the  distance  between  the  vicious  and  the  just. 
The  problem  of  crime  has  become  far  more  urgent  than  the  problem 
of  poverty,  far  more  urgent  than  the  problem  of  enlightenment. 
I  fail  to  see  how  arty  careful  and  thoughtful  observer  of  our 
American  life  can  be  oblivious  to  the  fact  that  for  the  last 
fifteen  or  twenty  years  we,  as  a  people,  have  been  suffering 
serious  deterioration  in  the  quality  of  private  and  of  public 
conduct.  We  cannot  travel  on  the  ordinary  means  of  convey- 
ance without  being  irritated  by  rowdyism  and  hoodlumism;  life 
and  property  are  not,  strictly  speaking,  safe  in  the  United 
States  to-day.  We  have  a  most  unhappy  notoriety  among  the 
nations  of  the  world,  as  a  nation  which  lets  murder  go  un- 
punished. In  the  north,  as  in  the  south,  we  burn  negroes  alive. 
And  these  things  should  most  certainly  make  us  pause.  We 
must  bestir  ourselves  to  deal  with  the  elimination  of  the  rapidly 
increasing  factor  of  vice  and  crime  in  our  life  as  we  must  bestir 
ourselves  to  relieve  misery  and  to  diminish  ignorance." 

PROFESSOR  FRANKLIN  H.  GIDDINGS, 
September  26,  1911. 


a 

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of  (£ontf  nts 


PAGE 

Preface 3 

Prison  Association,  officers 7 

Prison  Association,  standing  committees 8 

Prison  Association,  staff 9 

THE    PRISON    ASSOCIATION    IN    IQII 

Chapter  One.     Introductory 12 

Chapter  Two.     Parole,  Probation  and  Relief 15 

Chapter  Three.     Prison  Farms  and  Farm  Colonies 39 

Chapter  Four.     The  Treatment  of  the   Feeble-minded   Delin- 
quent    47 

Chapter  Five.     Prison  Labor 52 

Chapter  Six.     Legislation,  Finances,  etc 59 

Chapter  Seven.     The  Statistics  of  Crime,  by  Eugene  Smith ...  63 

EUROPEAN   TRIP,    SUMMER,    IQII 

Chapter  Eight.     Introductory 74 

Chapter  Nine.     Problem   of  European   Mendicancy    and    Va- 
grancy    78 

Chapter  Ten.     Merxplas,  a  Belgian  Beggar  Colony 86 

Chapter  Eleven.     Holland  and  Veenhuizen 102 

Chapter  Twelve.     German  Compulsory  Workhouses 1 12 

Chapter  Thirteen.     Rummelsburg,  a  Berlin  Workhouse 115 

Chapter  Fourteen.     Brauwejler,  a  County  or  Provincial  Work- 
house    125 

Chapter  Fifteen.     German  Voluntary  Labor  Colonies 133 

Chapter  Sixteen.     Witzwil,  a  Successful   Penal   Farm,  by  Prof. 

Frank   A.  Fetter 141 

Chapter  Seventeen.     Vagrancy  in  England 147 

Chapter  Eighteen.     English  Prisons 151 

Chapter  Nineteen.     The  Borstal  System 168 

Chapter  Twenty.     Tramp    Problem    in  the    United    States,  by 

O.  F.  Lewis 1 79 

Chapter  Twenty-One.     Treasurer's  Report 188 

Chapter  Twenty-Two.     Constitution  and  By-Laws 218 


a  lir  ilriiunt  Aiuuinutimi  df  Xrui  Murk. 
(ftffirm  fur  1912. 


EUGENE  SMITH. 

fimiriiiiiy  9rrrrtarg. 

SAMUEL  M.  JACKSON. 

Irraaurrr. 
J.  SEELY  WARD,  135  E.  i5th  St.,  N.  Y. 

(Srnrral  t*rrrrtari|. 

O.  F.  LEWIS. 


Rt.  Rev.  DAVID  H.  GREER,  EUGENE  A.  PHILBIN, 

ROBERT  W.  DEFOREST,  JLACOB  ^-  SCHIFF, 

FELIX  ADLER,  THOMAS  MOTT  OSBORNE. 


Exrrtitinr  dnntntttrr. 

W.  W.  BATTERSHALL,  THOMAS  LE  BOUTILLIER. 

B.  OGDEN  CHISOLM,  EDWARD  B.  MERRILL, 

J.  FENIMORE  COOPER,  FRANK  D.  PAVEY, 

JOHN  H.  FINLEY,  DEAN  SAGE, 

AUSTIN  FLINT,  M.  D.,  DECATUR  M.  SAWYER, 

CORNELIUS  B.  GOLD,  GEORGE  G.  SHELTON,  M.  D., 

WM.  H.  GRATWICK,  GINO  C.  SPERANZA, 

HENRY  E.  GREGORY,  FRANK  TUCKER, 

ALEXANDER  M.  HADDEN,  EVERT  JANSEN  WENDELL, 

JOHN  W.  HUTCHINSON,  MORNAY  WILLIAMS, 

GEORGE  W.  KIRCHWEY,  JAMES  WOOD. 


for  1912. 


Haw  (Eammittrr,  0prttnn  1. 

}Jarnlr  aith  probation. 
Messrs.  WILLIAMS  (Chairman),  KIRCHWEY  AND  GREGORY. 


Caw  (Enmmtttrr,  &*rtt0n  2. 

Sfrm  legislation. 
Messrs.  SAGE  (Chairman),  PAVEY  AND  SPERANZA. 


on  flrtHon 

Messrs.  SAWYER  (Chairman),  WOOD  AND  SHELTON. 


an  ltBrt|argrb 

Messrs.  HADDEN  (Chairman),  HUTCHINSON,  JACKSON  AND 
LE  BOUTILLIER. 


on 
Messrs.  HADDEN  (Chairman)  AND  WENDELL. 


3Pwanrp  Qlommitter. 
Messrs.  WARD  (Chairman),  CHISOLM  AND  TUCKER. 


Ijnua? 

Messrs.  JACKSON  (Chairman)  AND  WARD. 


Ctbrarg 
Messrs.  JACKSON  (Chairman)  AND  GREGORY. 

8 


Cell  Block  Corridor,  Portland  Prison,  England.     Contrast  This  With  Cell 
Block  Corridor,  New  York  City  Workhouse,  opposite  page  13 


'a  &taff. 


AbmiutHtrattnn. 

O.  F.  LEWIS,  General  Secretary. 

D.  E.  KIMBALL,  General  Agent. 

Miss  F.  S.  AUCHAMPAUGH,  Private  Secretary. 

R.  S.  MORISON,  Cashier. 
Miss  JULIA  MALSHEIMER,  Clerk. 
Miss  BEATRICE  STECKER,  Clerk. 
Miss  BESSIE  RATNER,  Clerk. 
Miss  ANNA  F.  PETRY,  Clerk. 
Miss  ALICE  SCHMIDT,  Messenger. 
GEORGE  CORSER,  Messenger. 


JJarulr  Surraii. 

H.  B.  RODGERS,  Chief  Parole  Agent. 

A.  G.  BENEDICT,  Parole  Agent. 

SAMUEL  ORNITZ,  Parole  Agent. 

FRANK  CHEDSEY,  Parole  Agent. 
Miss  HELEN  H.  LEVY,  Stenographer. 


probation  Surrau. 

D.  E.  KIMBALL,  Chief  Probation  Officer. 

EDWARD  Hi  KM  AN,  Investigator. 
Miss  MINERVA  ROSENTHAL,  Stenographer. 


fflr&iral  Stirrau. 

Dr.  GEORGE  M.  PARKER,  Psychiatrist. 
9 


STATE  OF  NEW  YORK 


No.  29. 


IN    SENATE 

MARCH  25,  1912 


«?ixti!-iuwntli  Annual  tRrpnrt 

of  tljr 

Aaanriatum  of  Sfaro  fork. 


HON.  THOMAS  F.  CONWAY,  Lieutenant-Governor  of  New  York: 

SIR. —  In  accordance  with  chapter  163  of  the  Laws  of  1846,  we 
have  the  honor  to  present  the  sixty-seventh  annual  report  of  the 
Prison  Association  of  New  York,  and  to  request  that  you  will  lay 
the  same  before  the  Legislature. 

Respectfully, 

THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION 
OF  NEW  YORK, 

by  EUGENE  SMITH, 

President. 

O.  F.  LEWIS, 

General  Secretary. 


rt00n  AHfiortaium  1911 


INTRODUCTORY. 

A  year  of  gratifying  progress  —  made  possible  by  a  very  generous 
gift  of  $27,500  from  Mr.  Smith  Ely  to  our  endowment  fund; 
a  response,  totalling  an  equal  amount,  from  hundreds  of  our 
friends;  the  loyalty  and  activity  of  a  small  but  efficient  staff,  and  the 
broad  constructive  policy  of  a  board  of  managers: —  such  can  be  the 
report  of  the  president  and  the  general  secretary  of  the  Prison 
Association  at  the  close  of  1911. 

This  Association  is  in  what  one  of  the  board  has  called  a  "ten 
year  period  of  reorganization  and  extension,  "called  for  byits  ambition 
to  really  be  what  it  was  chartered  to  be,  not  a  local  but  a  state  organi- 
zation, obligated  so  far  as  its  resources  allow  to 
A  Period  develop  its  beneficent  work  throughout  the  entire 
of  state.  The  society  has  always  conceived  its  purpose 

Extension.  thus,  but  never  before  perhaps  as  in  the  present 
decade,  1910-1919,  has  it  so  consciously  bent  its 
energies  to  laying  a  financial  foundation  for  state-wide  usefulness. 
A  budget  of  $15,000  admits  of  relatively  little  systematic  activity, 
compared  with  the  need,  even  in  New  York  city.  A  budget  of 
$27,000,  which  is  ourbudgetfor  1912,  admits  of  a  fairly  wide  range  of 
activity  in  New  York  city,  and  attention  to  imperative  needs  "up- 
state." A  budget  of  $50,000  can  make  the  Prison  Association  an 
active,  persistent  agent  for  progress  throughout  the  state. 

As  -our  estimated  budget  in  1911  was  only  $26,000  it  was 
necessary  to  limit  carefully  our  field.  We  conceived  at  the  end  of 
1910  our  three  principal  lines  of  activity  for  1911  to  be:  a  careful 
study  of  the  correctional  institutions  of  New  York  city,  the  systematic 
visitation  and  inspection  of  the  correctional  institutions  of  the  state, 
and  the  development  of  research  and  educational  work  within  the 
state.  We  had,  by  December,  1910,  reorganized  our  parole  and 
probation  bureaus  upon  a  basis  largely  of  self-regulating  efficiency. 
The  "next  needs"  were  the  study  of  state  and  city  institutions. 

But  we  were  compelled  to  alter  our  program,  to  the  general 
advantage  of  the  state,  the  city  and  the  Association.  The  survey 
we  had  contemplated  on  a  necessarily  small  basis,  hampered  by 
scanty  funds,  has  been  in  part  conducted  by  the  state  through  efficient 
special  commissioners,  so  far  as  relates  to  the  state  prisons.  Co- 
incidentally  the  state  commission  on  prisons  has  pursued  a  vigorous 
campaign  of  inspection,  amounting  often  to  rigorous  overhauling 
of  county  penitentiaries,  county  jails  and  local  station  houses  and 
lockups,  and  publishing  monthly  reports  in  the  news  columns  of  the 
daily  press. 


COOPERATION.  13 

In  the  city  of  New  York  the  Association  has  pursued  its  purpose 
of  studying  the  city's  correctional  institutions,  meeting  with  trie  most 
cordial  cooperation  from  the  commissioner  of  cor- 
New  rections,  and  we  have  been  able  to  act  frequently 

Institutions.  in  an  advisory  capacity  in  relation  to  the  reor- 
ganization of  the  city  reformatory  for  misdemean- 
ants at  Hart's  Island,  as  well  as  in  connection  with  the  problems  of 
congestion  in  the  city  prison,  the  "Tombs,"  and  of  the  development 
of  greater  attention  to  the  care  of  defective  delinquents.  The  general 
secretary's  visit  in  the  summer  of  1911  to  several  European 
correctional  institutions  gave  occasion  to  several  widely-quoted  inter- 
views comparing  deplorable  prison  conditions  in  New  York  city 
with  conditions  in  similar  English  and  continental  institutions;  and 
this  "publicity  campaign"  has  been  a  factor  in  leading  probably 
to  the  most  complete  investigation  of  the  treatment  of  the  offender  in 
New  York  city  that  has  ever  been  undertaken  in  this  city  —  an 
investigation  of  which  at  the  moment  of  writing,  the  plan  and  scope 
are  about  to  be  announced,  and  in  which  the  Association  will 
cooperate. 

The  board  of  inebriety,  appointed  by  Mayor  Gaynor  in  the  summer 
of  1911,  has  also  sought  the  cooperation  of  the  Association  in  the 
development  of  plans  for  a  reception  hospital  and  a  farm  colony. 
The  board  has  adopted  the  general  plan  and  lay-out  for  a  farm 
colony  suggested  by  the  Association^  and  with  gratifying  broadness 
of  vision  has  sought  from  a  number  of  reputable  firms  of  architects 
tentative  estimates  of  plans  and  cost,  instead  of  following  a  too  fre- 
quent custom -in  New  York  city  of  employing  an  architect  without 
any  form  of  initial  competition. 

A  state  institution  that  will  be  of  great  service  to  New  York  city 
is  the  proposed  state  industrial  farm  colony  for  habitual  tramps  and 
vagrants.  Not  only  has  the  Prison  Association  for  a  number  of  years 
urged  the  establishment  of  such  a  colony,  but  the  Association  directed 
its  general  secretary,  even  before  the  bill  had  passed  the  Legislature 
in  1911,  to  visit  in  the  summer  of  1911  some  of  the  leading  labor 
colonies  abroad,  in  order  that  facts  as  to  European  methods  and 
experience  might  be  at  the  service  of  the  farm  colony  board 
in  the  event  of  the  passage  of  the  bill.  The  governor  of  the  state 
appointed  the  general  secretary  of  the  association  to  membership  on 
the  state  industrial  farm  colony  board,  and  the  board  has  elected 
him  its  secretary. 

It  is  thus  evident  to  our  members  and  other  friends  of  the  Asso- 
ciation what  the  general  policy  of  the  society  has  been  during  1911. 
We  have  cooperated  wherever  possible  with  all 
Cooperation.  movements  for  the  betterment  of  the  treatment  of 
the  delinquent.  One  of  the  most  gratifying 
results  of  such  cooperation  was  a  conference  held  in  New  York  city 
on  December  22,  called  by  the  Prison  Association,  to  frame  a  legis- 
lative program  of  correctional  needs  in  1912.  This  conference  was 
attended  by  representatives  of  the  state  board  of  charities,  the  state 


14  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

commission  on  prisons,  the  state  probation  commission,  the  state 
conference  of  charities  and  corrections,  the  state  charities  aid  asso- 
ciation, the  state  fiscal  supervisor  of  state  charities,  the  prison  asso- 
ciation of  New  York,  and  the  national  committee  on  prison  labor. 
Resolutions,  unanimously  adopted,  urged  the  establishment  of  a  state 
reformatory  for  misdemeanants  between  the  ages  of  sixteen  and 
twenty-one,  a  state  custodial  asylum  for  feeble-minded  delinquents, 
the  placing  under  state  control  and  operation  of  the  county  peni- 
tentiaries, the  increase  to  a  maximum  capacity  of  facilities  at  the 
state  training  school  for  girls  at  Hudson,  the  erection  of  a  similar 
institution  for  girls  in  the  western  part  of  the  state,  and  an  issue  of 
long-term  bonds  (in  case  current  income  shall  prove  inadequate) 
for  the  completion  of  existing  state  charitable  and  correctional  in- 
stitutions and  for  the  establishment  of  sorely  needed  institutions  of 
this  nature.  The  conference  also  recommended  the  enlargement  of 
the  state  probation  commission  to  a  state  probation  and  parole  com- 
mission, with  powers  of  supervision  over  the  activity  of  parole  officers 
similar  to  the  supervisory  powers  over  probation  officers  now  vested 
by  law  in  the  commission. 

We  mention  this  conference,  because  it  is  typical  of  the  policy  of 
the  Association.  We  do  not  conceive  our  function  to  be  primarily 
that  of  a  prober  or  investigator  or  graft-hunter  in  institutions  or  boards, 
state  or  municipal.  We  do  believe  it  is  our  function  to  urge  and 
stimulate  the  proper  public  bodies  to  conduct  official  investigations 
not  only  whenever  it  becomes  apparent  that  investigation  is  needed, 
but  also  periodically,  for  the  "general  good  of  the  service."  The 
special  investigators  appointed  by  Governor  Dix,  aided  by  the  office 
of  the  state  comptroller,  conducted  a  very  fruitful  investigation  of 
the  state  prisons  lasting  nearly  a  year  and  entailing  an  expense  of 
many  thousands  of  dollars,  an  almost  prohibitive  sum  for  a  private 
society  to  raise  or  expend,  even  if  it  had  the  power. 

Similarly  we  have  within  a  few  weeks  prior  to  the  writing  of  this 
report  urged  upon  the  proper  city  authorities  that  a  survey  be  made 
of  the  treatment  of  the  offender  in  New  York  city.  We  believe  that 
cities  and  states  should  possess  "efficiency  bureaus"  similar  to  that 
now  developing  in  New  York  city.  We  believe  that  the  state  depart- 
ments should  from  time  to  time  be  thoroughly  analyzed  by  expert 
accountants  and  efficiency  specialists  either  from  the  state  comp- 
troller's office  or  functioning  as  a  bureau  of  the  executive  chamber. 

We  conceive  therefore  our  functions  to  be  primarily  those  of  assist- 
ance to  prisoners,  released  prisoners  and  prisoners'  families;  inspection 
of  institutions;  consultation  in  expert  capacity  with  organizations  and 
boards;  cooperation  with  all  bodies  aiming  to  reduce  crime  and  im- 
prove the  treatment  of  the  offender;  to  further  good  legislation  and 
to  oppose  bad  or  unsuitable  legislation,  and  to  conduct  a  dignified 
and  persistent  campaign  for  the  development  of  sane  public  opinion 
regarding  the  problems  of  penology  and  criminology.  Ever  in  our 
minds,  as  a  society,  are  the  rights  of  the  prisoner  and  the  rights  of 
society,  and  their  attainment. 


PAROLE,  PROBATION  AND  RELIEF. 

t 

THE  oldest,   most  wide-spread  and  most  conspicuous  feature  of 
the  Association's  work  is  the  assistance  rendered  prisoners  and 
their  families.     In  our  act  of  incorporation,   May  9,   1846, 
the  first  object  of  the  society  is  stated  to  be  "the  amelioration  of  the 
condition  of  prisoners,  whether  detained  for  trial. 
The  Relief        or  finally  convicted  or  as    witnesses."     Another 
of  Prisoners      object  of  the  Association  was  (and  still  is)  "the 
and  Their        support  and  encouragement  of  reformed  convicts 
Families.         after  their  discharge,  by  affording  them  the  means 
of  obtaining  an  honest  livelihood,  and  sustaining 
them  in  their  efforts  at  reform." 

This  work  for  prisoners  in  prison  or  on  parole  has  been  maintained 
on  a  more  comprehensive  and  systematic  plan  than  ever  before.  As 
parole  agents  for  Elmira  and  Napanoch  reformatories  we  had 
supervision  on  January  I,  1911,  of  442  young  men.  During  the  year 
we  received  in  charge  623  more  young  men  from  Elmira  and' Napa- 
noch. The  most  casual  reader  will  understand  the  importance  to 
society  of  an  Association  that  aims  to  guide  with  sympathy  but  with 
strictness  1065  young  men  just  out  of  prison  through  a  parole  period 
of  from  six  months  to  one  year. 

What  are  the  results  ?  Look  at  the  table  on  page  25.  We  have 
there  put  down  month  by  month,  for  seven  years,  the  number  of 
young  men  coming  to  us  each  month  from  Elmira  reformatory,  and 
the  number  of  paroled  men  to  whom  absolute  release  (that  is,  honor- 
able discharge)  could  be  granted  by  us.  Taking  a  span  of  seven 
years  for  a  large  cross-section  test,  we  have  found  that  sixty-eight 
per  cent  of  Elmira  reformatory  paroled  men  have  "made  good"  for 
their  paroled  period.  And  we  further  believe  that  if  our  staff  of  parole 
agents  could  be  doubled,  we  could  raise  the  68  per  cent  to  75  percent 
or  more. 

Is  that  not  worth  while  ?  We  do  not  and  cannot  say  that  none  of 
these  68  per  cent  of  paroled  men  later  revert  to  crime.  But  we  do  say 
that  a  systematic  parole  system  is  indeed  splendidly  justified  when  it 
carries  seven  out  of  every  ten  men  through  the  most  crucial  after- 
prison  period. 

Since  April,  1910,  we  have  been  extending  our  parole  work  to  the 
state  prisons.  At  the  beginning  of  1911  we  had  on  parole  55  men, 
largely  those  assigned  by  the  state  prison  parole  board  to  us  as  "next 
friend."  Homeless,  without  employment  or  friend,  they  came  to  us. 
During  ion  we  received  118  more  state  prison  men.  There  have 
been  sent  oack  to  state  prison,  as  delinquents,  only  eleven  men  in  nearly 
two  years.  Warrants  have  been  issued  for  only  eight  more. 


16  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

What  does  this  mean  ?  It  means  that  cooperation  between  the 
state  prison  parole  board  and  the  parole  bureau  of  the  Association 
has  resulted,  in  brief,  in  the  following  way. 

Men  paroled  to  Association 

From  State  prisons,  April  iQio-December  1911 184 

Men  released 39 

Men  returned  to  prison 13 

52 


Men  on  parole  from  State  prisons,  December  31,  1911. 


132 


In  other  words,  of  184  men  under  our  supervision,  only  seven  per 
cent  have  been  returned  to  prison  and  in  only  eight  other  cases,  or 
five  per  cent,  have  warrants  been  issued.  In- 
Parole  deed,  our  relations  with  the  state  prison  men  on 

Results.  parole  have  been  unexpectedly  encouraging  in 

results,  and  we  strongly  urge  the  state  parole 
board  to  develop  as  systematically  and  as  extensively  as  possible  its 
parole  work  throughout  the  state.  More  than  ever  a.re  we  of  the 
opinion  that  if  New  York  state  once  has  a  comprehensive  and  well 
"checked  up"  parole  system,  the  resulting  saving  in  cost  of  crime 
and  in  the  prevention  of  poverty  and  misery  —  and  even  in  institu- 
tional care  —  will  be  enormous. 

Parole  work  in  general  in  New  York  state  is  well  conducted  by 
certain  institutions,  but  is  in  a  condition  approaching  chaos 
where  parole  is  left  practically  without  supervision.  The  state 
should  face  the  parole  problem  frankly  and  boldly. 

Our  parole  bureau  has  increased  the  number  of  its  visits  and 
investigations  about  thirty-three  per  cent  in  1911;  it  has  given  more 
meals,  but  decreased  the  number  of  lodgings  given,  by  a  larger 
utilization  of  the  excellent  lodging  facilities  of  the  municipal  lodging 
house.  We  have  been  stricter  with  the  "rounder"  who  makes 
capital  of  his  prison  sentences  even  as  the  professional  beggar  does 
of  his  wounds,  but  on  the  other  hand  our  cash  relief  disbursed  for 
released  prsioners  and  their  families  has  increased  from  $2277  to 
$3555>  or  56  per  cent.  We  have  consistently  cut  down  during  the 
year  the  tendency  to  give  garments  and  shoes  without  good  knowledge 
of  the  need.  On  the  other  hand,  we  have  during  the  year  helped 
with  advice  or  actual  material  relief  a  considerably  larger  number  of 
men. 

Our  statistics  show  also  that  the  Association  has  been  used  much 
more  frequently  by  ex-prisoners  not  on  parole,  but  claiming  to  be 
in  need.  Part  of  this  apparent  increase  may  be  due  to  a  much  more 
careful  system  of  records  installed  in  1911.  There  is  no  doubt, 
however,  that  the  Association  is  becoming  much  more  "popular" 
with  the  men  released  from  New  York  prisons,  because  of  its  willing 
and  definite  help, although  its  reputation  for  being  "wise,"  in  the  par- 
lance of  the  prisoners,  prevents  it  from  being  regarded  as  "easy"  or 


When  the  discharged  prisoner  returns 
Shall  he  meet 


THIS 


OR 


A  Cell,  New  York   Penitentiary 
[Compare  this  cell  with  English  prison  cell  opposite  page  31] 


PAROLE,  PROBATION  AND   RELIEF.  17 

"soft."  This  annual  report  could  be  filled  with  descriptions  of  the 
daily  work  of  the  bureau.  Characteristic  of  hundreds  of  letters  is  a 
series  of  six  letters  herewith  printed.  They  certainly  speak  for  them- 
selves. 

NUMBER  i. 
THE  CRY  OF  A  CHILD. 

(This  is  a  letter  from  a  girl  of  eleven,  whose  mother  was  in  the  hospital 
and  whose  father  was  "away.") 

BROOKLYN,  N.  Y.,  October  30,  1910. 

The  Prison  Association. 

Gentlemen: — 

as  my  mother  is  in  the  City  of  Lying  Hospital 

[the  child  meant  the  lying-in  hospital]  I  write  to  let  you  know  that  I 
arn  at  my  Grandmothers,  with  my  little  brother.  The  landlawd  of 
the  house  where  we  live  told  me  today  that  if  my  mother  don't  pay 
rent  before  thursday  he  will  put  the  furniture  out  in  the  street,  and  as 
my  mother  is  in  the  hospital,  and  you  know  where  my  father  is,  I  beg 
of  you  will  you  kindly  ask  the  landloud  not  to  throu  our  furniture  out, 
until  my  mother  comes  out  of  the  hospital,  and  will  you  also  Please 
try  and  do  something  to  get  my  father  home.  I  will  be  thankful  to 
you  the  rest  of  my  life,  I  am  only  II  years  old  and  you  can't  imagine 
how  it  feels  to  be  with  a  father  taken  away  from  you,  and  a  mother  in 
hospital.  I,  and  my  little  brothers  are  so  lonesome  for  Papa,  please 
do  try  and  do  something  for  my  poor  mother  and  myself. 

Respectfully, 
II  years  old,  at  my  Grandmothers,  Mrs 


NUMBER  2. 
FROM  PRISON  CELL. 

(From  a  prisoner  at  Clinton  State  Prison,  New  York,  to  the  chief  parole 
agent  of  the  Prison  Association). 

October  23,  '1910. 
My  dear  Sir: 

I  am  at  a  loss  to  know  why  the  Parole  Board  did  not  parole  me  out 
in  your  charge  it  can't  be  on  account  of  behavior  for  my  record  is  good 
as  far  as  prison  records  go  and  my  time  is  short.  I  have  only  7  months 
and  a  few  days  to  serve  out  of  my  full  time. 

I  am  mechanic  enough  to  earn  a  living  anywhere.  I  was  reading 
sometime  ago  about  what  you  arc  doing  for  the  men  leaving  prison 
no  one  I  have  ever  heard  off  or  read  about  has  taken  the  practical  method 
which  you  are  taking  and  I  hope  they  who  you  are  doing  it  for  will 
appreciate  it  some.  I  am  sure  will  if  they  only  have  courage  in  them- 
selves and  trust  in  God. 

Well  I  will  come  and  see  you  if  God  spares  me  in  June  6  I  wont  be 
able  to  get  a  job  in  my  trade  then  for  the  season  will  be  over  for  tailor- 


1 8  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

ing  till  the  coming  fall  its  at  its  best  now  and  here  I  am  it  m  akes  me 
feal  good  to  hear  of  your  success  and  you  deserve  it  if  some  of  them 
should  not  live  up  to  your  experections  dont  get  discouraged  and  God 
Bless  you. 

From  yours  sincerely 


P.  S.     Mind  you  are  thought  well  off  among  the  men  here  it  gives 
them  some  encouragement  for  the  future. 


NUMBER  3. 
A  LETTER  OF  HOPE. 

(This  letter  is  sent  by  the  chief  parole  agent  of  the  Association  to  all 
prisoners  in  state  prisons  who  ask  the  Association  to  help  them  on  their 
release.     In  one  week  in  January,  IQII,  the  Association  received  sixty 
letters  from  men  in  New  York  state  prisons). 
Dear  : 

Your  letter  of  recent  date  asking  me  to  get  you  a  position  is  received. 
I  am  glad  to  hear  of  your  good  record  while  in  prison  and  will  do  any- 
thing possible  to  help  you.  Of  course  you  must  know  how  impossible 
it  is  for  me  to  go  to  a  stranger  and  ask  for  a  position  for  another  stranger 
of  whom  I  know  as  little  as  I  do  of  you. 

Under  the  circumstances  all  I  can  do  .is  to  offer  the  parole  board 
to  take  you  on  parole  and  then  to  help  you  find  a  position.  If  you  are 
paroled  to  the  Prison  Association  I  do  hope  you  will  be  guided  by  our 
advice  and  that  you  will  faithfully  observe  the  rules  of  your  parole. 
I  am  sure  if  you  mean  all  you  say  in  your  letter  to  me  that  you  will 
succeed,  but  I  want  to  warn  you  that  the  struggle  will  be  hard  and  the 
difficulties  numerous  and  that  you  will  need  all  the  patience  and  forti- 
tude God  can  bless  you  with  to  make  a  successful  fight.  I  want  you 
to  come  to  me  at  all  times  when  things  seem  to  be  getting  the  best  of 
you  and  let  me  know  what  the  problem  is. 

Trusting  to  see  you  soon  a  free  man  among  the  many  others  who  are 
demonstrating  by  their  conduct  the  value  of  our  parole  system,  I  am, 

Sincerely  your  friend, 

H.  B.  RODGERS. 


NUMBER  4. 
"IN  THE  DEPTHS." 

(A  letter  from  a  man  in  the  depths  of  despair,  whom  we  have  been  able 
to  help  materially  since). 

NEW  YORK,  November  6th,   1910. 
Dear  Friend: 

Did  not  call  on  you  yesterday,  Saturday,  to  have  you  renew  my  tickets 
for  meals  and  bed  for  the  reason  that  I  was  doing  some  work  for  Mrs. 
A.  at  her  home  and  she  paid  me  enough  to  permit  me  to  secure  lodgings 


0 

>H 

5 
4) 
X 


— 


- 


o 

•  — 

: 

E 

fl 


PAROLE,  PROBATION  AND  RELIEF.  19 

and  meals  for  Sat.  and  today.  I  try  to  make  the  few  cents  I  am  able 
to  earn  in  this  way  go  as  far  as  possible,  for  I  feel  that  you  have  a  great 
many  more  besides  myself  whom  you  help  and  it  all  amounts  to  quite 
a  sum  as  a  whole.  I  do  not  know  what  on  earth  I  should  have  done 
without  your  help.  I  simplv  would  have  starved,  because  1  could  not 
have  gone  crooked  again,  not  because  of  the  punishment,  but  somehow  I 
am  of  the  mind  that  this  is  a  fight  between  myself  and  some  force 
unknown  to  me,  and  being  a  fight  I  don't  like  to  show  a  yellow  streak, 
but  am  either  going  to  win  or  drop  fighting. 

In  the  end  1  will  win,  I  know.     I  am  making  some  friends  every  day, 
and  tho  they  are  in  no  position  to  help  me  yet,  are  interested  enough 

should  the  chance  be  given  them  to  do  all  they  could  for  me 

I  feel  quite  ashamed  to  come  to  you  all  the  time,  but  I  know  of  no  one 
to  whom  I  could  apply.  It  can't  be  long  now  before  I  must  land  some- 
thing. Surely  a  man  that  tries  as  hard  as  I  and  persists  must  land 

something  in  the  end,  but  it  seems  a  long  time  coming 

Respectfully  yours, 


NUMBER  5.' 
A  PLACE  AT  LAST. 

(A  letter  regarding  a  man  -who  made  a  grave  mistake,  but  whose  life 
has  not  been  ruined,  and  who  is  now  doing  excellently). 

NEW  YORK,  August  ijth,  1910. 

The  Prison  Association, 

Gentlemen: 

I  wish  to  say  that  I  have  employed  Mr.  X.  whom  you  sent  me.  From 
a  cursory  personal  observation  I  think  he  possesses  qualities  which 
would  make  him  a  very  successful  broker.  I  have  placed  him  in  entire 
charge  of  our  private  house  department  and  it  now  remains  for  him  to 
make  good.  I  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  he  will  and  I  trust 
that  the  day  will  shortly  come  when  I  shall  be  indebted  to  you  for  draw- 
ing my  attention  to  him. 

Very  truly  yours, 


NUMBER  6. 
"MAKING  GOOD." 

(From  a  man,  a  released  prisoner,  who  has  "made  good"). 

BROOKLYN,  N.  Y.,  Jan.  24. 
Dear  Sir: 

I  am  pleased  to  state  that  I  obtained  a  position  with  the  X.  and  Y. 
Co.  in  Brooklyn.     On  starting  I  was  placed  in  charge  of  a  mixing 


2O  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

machine;  today  I  received  a  promotion,  viz:  to  that  of  stock  clerk. 
I  can  assure  you,  Sir,  I  left  Prison  in  both  a  cynical  and  a  pessimistic 
mood;  in  the  first  place  (though  guilty)  at  the  inequalities  of  justice; 
in  the  second  at  my  future  outlook.  But  now  all  is  changed.  I  have 
a  decent  position,  with  a  certain  amount  of  responsibility.  I  am  trusted 
and  I  feel  a  man,  and  can  look  the  whole  world  in  the  face  once  more. 

Thanks  to  you  and  Mr.  M.,  whom  a  greater  Samaritan  I  have  never 
met  nor  did  I  believe  existed. 

In  reiterating  my  thanks  believe  me,  I  remain, 
Yours  most  sincerely, 


The  parole  work  of  the  Prison  Association  is  its  most  important 

single  function  in  the  line  of  relief  work.     More  released  prisoners 

are    on    parole    to    the    Prison    Association    than 

What  probably  to  any  other  one  organization   in   the 

Parole  Is.         United  States.     The  parole  work  for  Elmira  and 

Napanoch  reformatories  has  been  conducted   by 

the  Association  for  years.     In  April,  1910,  parole  work  for  the  state 

prisons   of  New  York  was   undertaken.     The   parole   period   of  a 

prisoner's  life  is  in  our  opinion  fully  as   critical   as   his    period    of 

imprisonment. 

Parole  means  a  period  of  supervision  of  a  prisoner  subsequent  to 
his  imprisonment,  and  prior  to  his  absolute  release  from  any  obli- 
gation to  the  state  entailed  upon  him  by  his  sentence.  In  other 
words,  a  prisoner  may,  according  to  the  operation  of  the  indeterminate 
sentence,  be  committed  to  an  institution  for  a  certain  maximum 
period,  or  to  a  period  between  a  minimum  and  a  maximum  term,  or 
to  a  period  without  expressed  limits,  but  which  period  shall  not  be 
greater  than  the  maximum  period  of  the  sentence  if  imposed. 

In  practice,  the  released  prisoners  from  Elmira  and  Napanoch 
reformatories  are  under  the  supervision  of  the  Prison  Association 
for  six  months.  Before  they  may  be  released  on  parole,  prisoners 
must  secure  offers  of  work  from  responsible  employers.  These  offers 
of  work  are  investigated  in  New  York  city  by  the  Prison  Association. 
Here  the  Association  meets  its  first  difficulty  in  the  case  of  paroled 
men. 

Employers  agree  to  receive  a  paroled  man  in  employment.  The 
Association  often  has  no  actual  ground  to  declare  the  offer  of  employ- 
ment unsatisfactory,  yet  far  too  often  the  employer 
Difficulties.  will  release  or  discharge  the  paroled  man  within 
a  brief  time  after  the  latter  has  reported  for  work. 
This  may  be  through  indifference,  through  the  sudden  cessation  of 
need  of  the  paroled  man's  services,  or  it  may  be  because  in  narrow- 
ness of  vision  but  largeness  of  heart  the  employer  has  wished  to  "give 
a  show"  to  the  man  by  getting  him  out  of  prison.  There  does  not 
seem  to  be  any  legal  way  in  which  such  employers  may  be  repri- 
manded or  punished,  even  in  cases  where  the  act  was  seemingly 
only  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  the  paroled  inmate's  release  from 


THE  TREATMENT  OF  DELINQUENTS.  21 

prison.  In  such  cases  it  would  be  possible  for  the  Prison  Association 
to  return  the  paroled  inmate  to  the  reformatory,  a  process,  however, 
obviously  hard  if  not  unjust  upon  the  paroled  man.  In  practice, 
the  Association  endeavors  to  find  another  position  for  the  man.  While 
the  new  position  often  proves  better  than  the  old,  the  sudden  trans- 
ition so  soon  after  the  paroled  man's  entrance  into  life  again  reacts 
badly  upon  the  individual. 

The  lour  parole  agents  of  the  Prison  Association  have  in  charge 
at  any  one  time  a  total  average  of  about  600  men.  Instead  of  four 
parole  officers  there  should  be  for  the  best  interests  of  the  men  at 
least  double  that  number  of  officers.  Our  officers  are  civilians  in 
plain  clothes,  and  pursue  their  work  in  a  large-hearted,  sympathetic 
way.  So  far  as  possible,  each  paroled  man  is  visited  once  a  month 
at  his  work  and  at  his  residence. 

In  the  treatment  of  delinquents,  the  Association  meets  a  second 
difficulty. 

In  the  early  part  of  1911,  the  Association  lost  the  services  of  Ser- 
geant Grant  Williams  through  the  withdrawal  of  this  efficient  police 
officer  by  the  police  commissioner  from  his  detail  with  the  Prison 
Association.  For  a  number  of  years  Mr.  Williams  had  acted  as  the 
special  officer  to  investigate  paroled  men  who  had  become  delin- 
quent; that  is,  those  who  had  failed  to  report  to  us  at  the  proper 
time,  or  who  had  committed  new  crimes,  or  against  whom  charges 
of  improper  conduct  had  been  brought.  The  Association's  policy 
has  been  with  increasing  emphasis  that  of  patience  and  sympathy 
for  the  paroled  man.  It  often  became  evident,  when  a  paroled  man 
was  apprehended  by  Mr.  Williams  and  brought  to  the  Association, 
and  had  a  chance  to  tell  his  side  of  the  story,  that  although  he  was 
technically  delinquent,  he  was  in  fact  making  good  progress  toward 
rehabilitation  as  an  honest  and  self-respecting  member  of  society. 

Then  came  the  withdrawal  of  Mr.  Williams  by  Police  Commissioner 

Cropsey  on  the  ground  that  the  police  force  was  inadequate  to  meet 

its  most  important  duties  of  patrol  work.     In  vain 

The  the    Association    pointed    out    to    Commissioner 

Treatment  of      Cropsey  that  from  an  economic  standpoint  the 

Delinquents.      Association's  police  activities  were  of  more  value 

in  all  probability  to  the  city  than  would  be  the 

addition  of  one  or  more  policemen  upon  the  streets.     The  Association 

cherished  no  doubt  that  in  the  course  of  a  year  many  men,  who  might 

become  delinquent,  were  restrained  from  so  doing  and  that  many 

men  were   distinctly  encouraged   to  continue  through   their  parole 

period  without  reversion  to  crime. 

Since  the  withdrawal  of  Sergeant  Williams  all  warrants  for  arrest 
of  delinquents  have  been  lodged  with  the  police  department.  These 
warrants  are  served  by  policemen  more  or  less  incidentally  in  the 
course  of  their  duties.  Delinquents  are  now  never  brought  to  the 
offices  of  the  Association  for  examination  prior  to  their  confinement 
in  the  Tombs,  but  are  taken  directly  to  a  city  prison,  and  if  their  cases 
are  investigated,  it  must  be  under  the  disadvantageous  circumstances 


22  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

of  an  arrest  frequently  made  at  a  paroled  man's  home  or  place  of 
work.  In  short,  the  procedure  is  highly  unsatisfactory  and  the  effici- 
ency of  the  Association  as  a  parole  agent  for  the  reformatories  has 
in  this  respect  decidedly  decreased. 

The  average  parole  period  of  the  men  from  Elmira  and  Napanoch 
reformatories  is  six  months.  This  presents  a  third  difficulty  in 
administration.  There  is  no  law  providing  that  attheend  of  sixmonths 
a  paroled  man  shall  receive  his  absolute  release.  Under  the  former 
superintendent  of  Elmira  reformatory  that  time  limit  was  felt  in  the 
case  of  paroled  inmates  in  general  to  be  sufficient  to  test  the  man's 
ability  to  maintain  himself  properly  and  with  safety  to  society.  This 
is  not  the  view  of  the  Association.  In  some  states  the  man's  period 
on  parole  extends  even  to  the  limit  of  the  maximum  sentence  for  the 
crime  for  which  he  has  been  committed.  In  the  state  of  New  York, 
the  Association  feels  that  the  period  of  parole  of  an  inmate  of  the 
reformatory  be  at  least  six  months,  with  a  careful  survey  of  the  man's 
record  at  the  end  of  the  fifth  month  and  a  recommendation  by  the 
Association  to  the  board  of  managers  of  the  reformatories  as  to  the 
continuance  of  the  man's  parole.  In  general,  the  Association 
believes  that  the  parole  period  should  be  extended  beyond  six  months, 
and  that  during  the  second  period  of  six  months  the  man  should 
report  generally  once  in  two  months  to  the  Association.  At  the  end 
of  a  year's  parole  a  final  decision  should  be  made  as  to  the  contin- 
uance of  the  parole  period.  It  is  the  Association's  belief  that  such 
a  plan  would  work  little  or  no  injustice  to  the  men,  but  would  on 
the  contrary  be  a  means  of  mild  but  effective  restraint  upon  a  number 
of  men  who,  as  experience  shows,  hardly  survive  their  period  of  parole 
before  committing  another  crime. 

The  fourth  difficulty  is  the  present  inability  of  the  Prison  Associa- 
tion to  obtain  sufficient  funds  to  put  the  parole  work  of  the  reform- 
atories as  conducted  by  the  Prison  Association  upon  its  most  effective 
basis.  A  year  ago  it  was  stated  Ln  our  annual  report  that  according 
to  a  recent  decision  of  the  salary  classification  commission  at  Albany, 
the  parole  work  in  New  York  city  for  the  reformatories  at  Elmira 
and  Napanoch  might  shortly  be  conducted  by  the  board  of  reforma- 
tory managers  directly  and  not  by  the  Prison  Association  in  New 
York  city.  The  Prison  Association  still  continues  to  act  as  parole 
agent,  and  we  are  informed  that  the  plan  outlined  a  year  ago  by 
the  salary  classification  commission  has  not  proved  acceptable  or 
feasible  to  the  board  of  reformatory  managers.  This  Association 
believes  that  ultimately  the  parole  work  of  the  correctional  institu- 
tions of  the  state  should  be  administered  by  the  institutions  them- 
selves. We  believe  that  as  soon  as  possible  the  parole  system  for 
Elmira  and  Napanoch  reformatories  not  only  should  be  strengthened 
where  it  is  now  fairly  well  administered,  but  that  throughout  the 
state  the  system  should  be  put  upon  an  effective  basis.  This  requires 
the  annual  expenditure  of  a  considerable  sum,  probably  $30,000 
or  more.  The  Prison  Association,  having  devoted  itself  for  several 
years  particularly  to  the  development  of  an  effective  system,  would 


•f 

c 
Z 


o 


THE  TREATMENT  OF  DELINQUENTS.  23 

gladly  extend  its  system  not  only  in  New  York  city,  but  throughout 
other  parts  of  the  state,  aiming  to  bring  it  to  an  eventual  degree  of 
effectiveness  which,  when  transferred  to  the  state,  will  render  its 
administration  successful.  The  question  is  simply  whether  the  state 
should  develop  its  parole  system  for  the  reformatories  through  the 
board  of  reformatory  managers  or  whether  an  organization  like  the 
Prison  Association  should  be  sufficiently  financed  so  that  it  may 
enlarge  its  present  system,  with  the  idea  ultimately  of  transferring  it 
to  the  state. 

The  following  tables,  with  annotations,  show  the  volume  and  nature 
of  the  parole  work  as  administered  by  the  Prison  Association  of 
NY\v  York  during  1911.  In  this  connection  we  desire  to  emphasize 
the  parole  work  which  we  have  gladly  undertaken  for  the  state  prisons. 
Monthly  during  1911,  the  chief  parole  agent  has  been  present  at  the 
meetings  of  the  board  of  parole  at  Sing  Sing  prison.  The  results 
of  this  work  are  shown  in  separate  tables  below. 


(Cnmjmratiur 

Parole  and  Relief,   1911   and   1910. 


1911 

IQIO 

Increase 
or 
decrease 
in  1911 

Number  of  investigations  

4.  27O 

i>,  165 

Percent 
+35 

Employment  found: 
temporary  

60 

\ 

permanent  

81 

|               362 

—  6l 

Meals  given     

4.4.72 

1,478 

+28 

Lodgings  given    .    .        

Q27 

I.Q68 

—  112 

Garments  given  

2OQ 

1.14, 

—  39 

Shoes  given  (pairs)  

25 

IOI 

—  75 

Persons  aided  

I  .407 

801 

4-75 

Total  relief  given  ."* 

»  ft"/ 
9T>.  555 

WJ 

to.  277 

+  56 

Cash  refunded  .    . 

M 

Calls  from  men,  not  on  parole,  from: 
Elmira  

251 

00 

+  181 

Napanoch  

4.O 

+  ^44 

Sing  Sing  ...    . 

AD\ 

no 

+  188 

Auburn  

124 

•u 

+3OO 

Clinton  

8l 

AQ 

+65 

Great  Meadow  

2 

Blackwell's  Island: 
Penitentiary  

2O  I 

226 

+29 

Workhouse  

I   \± 

70 

+90 

Other  prisons  

508 

174 

+  190 

Criminal  courts  

57 

27 

-fill 

1.895 

Ml, 

+  132 

THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


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In  charge,  beginning  of  year 
New  cases  during  year  
Absolutely  released  
In  charge,  end  of  year  
Returned  to  prison,  during 
year  
Warrants  for  arrest  issued.. 

THE  TREATMENT  OF    DELINQUENTS 


TABLK  SHOWING  MEN  RECEIVED  ON  PAROLE  FROM  EI.MIRA  REFORMATORY,  AND  MEN 
RECEIVING  ABSOLUTE  RELEASES  ON  CONCLUSION  or  PAROLE  PERIOD, 
JANUARY  1906 — DECEMBER  1911. 


Jan. 

Feb. 

Mar. 

Apr. 

May 

June 

July 

Aug. 

Sept. 

Oct. 

Nov. 

Dec. 

Total 

1906 
Paroled  

S3 

43 

56 

59 

64 

79 

68 

60 

43 

48 

59 

65 

095 

Absolutely  re- 
iHMd 

39 

16 

36 

4* 

20 

31 

33 

36 

35 

54 

39 

60 

441 

1907 
Paroled  

51 

57 

64 

55 

64 

63 

45 

37 

48 

39 

36 

60 

619 

Absolutely  re- 
leased 

00 

47 

41 

33 

37 

37 

43 

43 

43 

45 

33 

45 

494 

1908 
Paroled  

41 

19 

51 

43 

48 

66 

6? 

36 

40 

33 

41 

70 

554 

Absolutely  re- 
leased   

1909 
Paroled 

32 

4° 

37 
55 

3i 
71 

35 
49 

IS 
70 

26 
So 

39 
40 

aS 
50 

13 
65 

30 
36 

33 
?O 

35 
86 

327 

713 

Absolutely  re- 
leased   

1910 
Paroled  

43 

38 

18 
67 

23 

85 

3i 
40 

ao 
3a 

33 

57 

45 

35 

31 
37 

35 
43 

39 
17 

45 

39 

34 
34 

375 
513 

Absolutely   re- 
leased   

191  1 
Paroled  
Absolutely  re- 
leased 

Si 

40 
46 

96 

37 
3* 

30 

44 
19 

43 

37 
36 

ai 

37 
33 

58 

47 
IS 

59 

37 
44 

13 

29 

27 

SI 

39 

37 

40 

31 
45 

41 
4* 

3O 

30 

57 

33 

462 

477 
345 

Total  persons  received  on  parole  from  Elmtra,  1906-191 1 3 , 570 

Total  persons  absolutely  released.  1906-191 1 3,444 

Proportion  of  absolute  release*  to  arrivals.  68.5%. 


26 


THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


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PROBATION  OFFICERS  AND  CIVIL  SERVICE.  27 

The  difficulties  which  we  have  mentioned  in  connection  with  the 
parole  work  of  Elmira  and  Napanoch  reformatories  are  found  in 
large  measure  also  in  connection  with  our  state  prison  parole  work. 
We  need  more  parole  officers  and  we  need  to  visit  the  places  of  employ- 
ment and  the  residences  of  the  men  more  frequently. 

The  past  year  has  seen  the  probation  systegi  become  more  firmly 
rooted  than  ever  as  a  vital  and  permanent  part  of  our  machinery  for 
dealing  with  delinquents.  For  the  first  time  the 
Probation.  number  of  persons  placed  on  probation  in  New 
York  state  during  a  single  year  exceeded  the 
10,000  mark.  Over  2,500  of  those  placed  on  probation  during  1911 
were  under  sixteen  years  of  age.  Better,  however,  than  the  increase 
in  numbers,  are  the  improvements  in  the  organization  and  opera- 
tions of  the  system.  The  periods  of  probation  are  lengthening;  the 
oversight  of  those  on  probation  is  closer  and  more  intelligent;  more 
helpful  and  constructive  work  is  done  by  probation  officers;  and  there 
is  more  cooperation  among  the  probation  officers  in  different  juris- 
dictions. These  results  have  been  due  in  large  measure  to  the  state 
conferences  of  probation  officers,  and  other  efforts  of  the  state  pro- 
bation commission.  One  special  improvement  during  the  past  year 
has  been  the  publication  by  the  state  commission  of  an  accounting 
system  for  probation  officers  to  use  in  keeping  account  of  moneys 
collected  from  probationers  in  the  forms  of  family-support,  restitu- 
tion and  instalment  fines.  The  amount  of  money  received  by  pro- 
bation officers  in  these  forms  more  than  doubled  during  1911,  and 
reached  a  total  of  nearly  $100,000. 

Our  last  annual   report  stated  that  the  New  York  city  inferior 
courts  act  of  1910  had  resulted  not  only  in  the  withdrawal  during 
the  summer  of  that  year  of  twenty-seven  police- 
Probation         men  serving  as  probation  officers  in  the  court  of 
Officers  special   sessions   and   the   boards   of  magistrates, 

and  but  also  in  considerable  temporary  confusion  in 

Civil  Service,  the  probation  work  of  these  courts  on  account  of 
the  delay  in  holding  a  civil  service  examination 
for  probation  officer.  The  examination  which  was  announced  in 
July,  1910,  was  not  completed  until  March,  1911.  The  municipal 
civil  service  commission  was  assisted  in  conducting  the  examination 
by  a  number  of  persons  familiar  with  probation  work,  including  the 
secretary  of  this  Association.  The  eligible  list  finally  promulgated 
was  exceedingly  satisfactory.  Pending  the  completion  of  this  exam- 
ination the  justices  and  magistrates  made  temporary  appointments, 
many  of  which,  were  not  very  satisfactory.  It  was  to  be 
hoped  that  upon  the  publication  of  the  eligible  list  permanent 
appointments  could  be  made  from  it  forthwith;  but  no  sooner 
were  the  names  of  the  successful  candidates  announced  than  Supreme 
Court  Justice  Crane  handed  down  a  writ  of  mandamus  declaring  that 
the  positions  were  "confidential"  and  should  be  in  the  exempt  class. 
This  contention  was  later  sustained  by  the  appellate  division  of  the 
second  department  and  was  carried  from  there  on  appeal  to  the 


28  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

court  of  appeals.  The  final  decision  by  the  court  of  appeals  was  not 
rendered  until  January,  1912.  This  tribunal,  we  are  glad  to  .say, 
upheld  the  practicability  of  competitive  examinations.  As  a  result 
of  this  litigation  nearly  thirty  probation  officers  appointed  during 
the  past  year  without  regard  to  the  eligible  list  are  to  be  removed 
from  office,  and  their  successors,  as  well  as  eighteen  additional 
officers  to  be  named  in  the  children's  courts,  are  to  chosen  from  the 
eligible  list. 

The  importance  of  this  decision  of  the  court  of  appeals  can  hardly 
be  over-estimated.  Experience  has  amply  demonstrated  that  exam- 
inations, conducted  with  the  assistance  of  those  acquainted  with 
probation  work  and  held  in  part  orally,  afford  a  practical  means  of 
testing  the  experience  and  personal  fitness  of  the  candidates.  With- 
out the  safeguard  of  such  examinations  the  appointments  are  likely 
to  be  influenced  by  partisan  considerations. 

In  this  connection  attention  can  not  be  called  too  often  to  the  fact 
that  the  success  of  probation  depends  on  the  personality  of  the  pro- 
bation officer.  The  reformation  of  delinquents  can  never  be  secured 
by  any  system  operating  simply  as  a  system,  but  only  through  the 
reformatory  influences  emanating  from  interested  and  inspiring 
individuals.  The  forces  that  change  our  habits  and  character  are 
largely  psychological  and  social.  A  probation  officer  should  not  be 
a  spy  or  disciplinarian,  but  a  big  brother  or  big  sister.  Judges,  the 
fiscal  authorities  of  cities,  and  boards  of  supervisors  should  bear  in 
mind  that  probation  officers  of  the  requisite  character,  interest  and 
ability  can  not  be  secured  unless  adequate  salaries  are  paid. 

It  is  gratifying  to  report  that  during  the  past  year  the  probation 
system  has  made  special  progress  in  rural  communities.     The  county 
probation  officer  law  provides  that  salaried  county 
County  probation  officers,  appointed  by  a  county  judge 

Probation  and  paid  by  the  board  of  supervisors,  may  serve 
Officers.  in  all  courts  in  their  respective  counties,  except 
in  courts  of  cities  of  the  first  and  second  classes. 
We  have  previously  recommended  the  appointment  of  more  of  these 
county  probation  officers.  Twenty-one  counties  have  thus  far  made 
appropriations  for  this  purpose,  five  counties  —  Cortland,  Jefferson 
Lewis,  Madison  and  Putnam  —  having  made  such  appropriations 
for  the  first  time  during  1911.  Nowhere  is  probation  more  needed 
than  in  the  rural  districts;  nowhere  are  there  so  few  agencies  of  a 
preventive  or  corrective  character,  and  nowhere  do  persons  of  way- 
ward or  depraved  tendencies  go  more  quickly  from  bad  to  worse.  Far 
too  often  the  justices  of  towns  and  villages  are  prone  to  commit  boys 
and  young  women  to  jails  and  other  institutions,  when  sympathetic 
and  helpful  oversight  by  a  probation  officer  might  do  far  more  good, 
and  incidentally  save  much  in  the  way  of  expense. 

There  have  also  been  advances  in  the  probation  system  in  other 
states.  Recent  enactments  of  laws  by  the  legislatures  of  Arkansas, 
Delaware  and  Florida  have  increased  the  number  of  states  having 
juvenile  probation  laws  to  forty-two.  There  have  also  been  increases 


Interior  View.  Cell.  Portland   Prison.   England.     Built  in  1849 


PROBATION  IN  GENERAL  SESSIONS,  NEW  YORK  CITY.       29 

in  the  number  of  states  authorizing  the  use  of  probation  for  adult 
offenders,  the  most  notable  advance  in  this  field  having  been  in 
Illinois,  where  for  local  reasons  there  had  previously  been  con- 
siderable opposition  to  proposed  legislation  on  this  subject.  Bills 
were  introduced  in  that  state  and  Pennsylvania  for  the  establishment 
of  state  probation  commissions,  but  failed  of  passage. 

Outside  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  probation  is  not  used  in  any 
of  the  federal  courts.  It  is  highly  desirable  that  congress  enact 
appropriate  legislation  in  order  that  the  federal  courts  throughout 
the  country  may  be  brought  abreast  of  modern  methods. 

Probation  conditions  in  the  court  of  general  sessions    continued 

during   1911  to  be  unsatisfactory  in  principle  to 

Probation         the  Prison  Association,  although  individual  pro- 

in  General        bation   officers    attached    to  that  court  pursued 

Sessions,         their  duties  with  devotion.     Early  in   1911,  and 

New  York  City,  again  in  February  of  1912,  the  president  of  the 
Prison  Association  sent  to  the  newspapers  an  open 
letter,  the  later  one  being  as  follows: 

"It  has  been  frequently  claimed,  that  too  many  persons  convicted  of  felony 
have  been  released  on  suspended  sentences,  and  that  a  more  rigorous  treat- 
ment on  the  part  of  the  judges  would  prove  a  greater  deterrent  to  the  commis- 
sion of  crime.  It  has  further  been  claimed  that  the  probation  work  in  the  court 
of  general  sessions  is  faulty,  and  that  the  probation  officers  are  not  able  to  give 
adequate  supervision  to  those  placed  in  their  charge. 

"The  decisions  on  the  questions  thus  raised  must  depend  on  a  correct  under- 
standing of  the  proper  use  of  the  suspended  sentence  which  lies  at  the  founda- 
tion of  the  system  of  probation.  What,  then,  are  the  essentials  of  a  successful 
probation  system  ?  They  may  be  enumerated  as  follows: 

"Wise  discrimination  by  the  court  as  to  what  convicted  offenders  should  be 
placed  on  probation. 

"An  adequate  and  experienced  corps  of  probation  officers. 

"Systematic  supervision  and  assistance  of  probationers. 

"Adequate  period  of  probation. 

"Regular  reports  to  the  judges  as  to  the  conduct  and  other  circumstances 
of  probationers. 

"No  overcrowding  of  probation  officers  through  the  assignment  of  too 
many  cases. 

"Rigorous  prosecutions  of  delinquent  probationers. 

"Cordial  and  considerate  appreciation  of  the  difficulties  attending  a  wise 
administration  of  the  probation  system,  both  by  judges  and  by  the  district 
attorney's  office. 

"In  presenting  the  views  of  the  Prison  Association  regarding  these  essentials 
of  probation,  it  is  assumed  at  the  outset  that  (as  all  modern  penologists  now 
assert),  the  probation  system  itself  is  of  the  highest  value,  and  that,  when  it 
fails  of  success,  the  method  of  administering  is  at  fault.  A  proper  probation 
system  demands  that  judges  should  be  thoroughly  informed,  prior  to  sentencing, 
of  all  important  circumstances  relating  to  the  crime  committed  by  the  offender, 
his  environment,  and  his  social  history. 


30  THE  PRISON  'ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

"Confirmed  and  habitual  criminals  are  not  fit  subjects  for  the  suspended 
sentence.  It  is  only  where  the  court,  after  weighing  all  the  facts  that  can  be 
gained  about  the  individual  offender's  character,  purposes,  and  surroundings, 
believes  it  to  be  reasonably  probable  that  the  offender,  if  placed  under  the 
authority  of  the  probation  officer  and  set  conditionally  free,  will  abstain  from 
crime  —  it  is  only  under  these  circumstances  that  the  suspended  sentence  is 
warranted. 

"All  outside  influences  and  the  current  of  public  opinion  and  of  popular 
criticism  should  be  sternly  disregarded  by  the  court,  whose  sole  duty  it  is  in 
each  case  to  take  such  course  as  will,  in  the  conscientious  judgment  of  the 
court,  best  protect  the  public  and  tend  to  rehabilitate  the  offender.  Of  these 
ends,  the  protection  of  the  public  is,  of  course,  paramount;  but  the  most  effec- 
tive and  permanent  public  protection  is  secured  by  the  rescue  of  a  first  offender 
from  leading  a  life  of  crime. 

"It  becomes  more  evident  each  year  that  a  fairly  large  proportion  of  offenders 
are  mentally  abnormal  and  that  such  offenders,  while  perhaps  not  so  respon- 
sible for  their  deeds  as  more  balanced  criminals,  may  all  the  more  for  that 
reason  need  custodial  care  rather  than  a  suspended  sentence.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  fact  that  association  with  criminals  in  confinement  tends  to  the 
debasement  and  corruption  of  character  must  always  be  present  to  the  mind 
of  the  court.  In  short,  a  suspended  sentence  should  be  given  only  after  full 
knowledge  of  mitigating  circumstances,  indicating  the  greater  probability  of 
reformation  and  ultimate  restoration  to  society  outside  of  prison  than  inside. 

"Even  if  a  wise  decision  is  made  by  the  court  and  nevertheless  inadequate 
service  is  rendered  by  probation  officers,  the  principle  of  the  suspended  sentence 
is  discredited.  In  the  court  of  general  sessions  there  is  a  numerically  inadequate 
corps  of  probation  officers.  They  have  far  too  many  cases,  and  the  cases  are 
distributed  unevenly  from  a  numerical  standpoint.  There  is  no  chief  pro- 
bation officer.  The  probation  officers  in  the  court  of  general  sessions  are  sal- 
aried, not  by  the  city,  but  by  private  societies,  and  while  there  may  be  cordiality 
and  even  friendship  between  probation  officers,  there  is  not  the  responsibility 
nor  the  coordination  of  work  necessary  to  make  the  working  out  of  the  proba- 
tion system  wholly  successful.  The  Prison  Association,  having  several  pro- 
bation officers  in  the  court  of  general  sessions,  is  nevertheless  an  advocate  of 
the  plan  of  the  state  probation  commission,  providing  for  a  corps  of  probation 
officers  salaried  by  the  city  and  a  chief  probation  officer,  the  force  to  be  ade- 
quate, to  be  experienced,  and  to  be  centralized  as  to  method.  In  the  opinion 
of  the  Prison  Association,  neither  the  judges  nor  the  district  attorney's  office 
will  receive  the  best  results  from  a  probation  system  until  such  corps  of  pro- 
bation officers  is  established.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  when  such  a  corps  is  estab- 
lished, the  experience  and  ability  of  the  probation  officers  now  working  in  the 
court  of  general  sessions  will  be  taken  into  consideration. 

"The  need  of  systematic  supervision  and  of  necessary  assistance  is  obvious. 
To  what  extent  that  supervision  is  now  lacking  or  to  what  extent  necessary 
assistance  is  not  rendered,  can  be  checked  up  by  the  judges  in  the  court  of 
general  sessions  at  any  time  if  they  so  desire.  If  they  do  not  closely  trace 
the  career  of  probationers,  just  in  so  far  does  responsibility  for  the  possible 
failure  of  the  probation  system  devolve  upon  them. 

"Similarly  there  should  be  an  adequate  period  of  probation,  and  during  that 
period  the  probationers  should  know  all  the  time  that  they  are  on  probation. 


A  PAROLE  AND  PROBATION  COMMISSION.  31 

Probation  is  not  liberty  and  the  probation  officer  is  not  simply  a  nurse,  but  if 
occasion  requires  a  rigid  disciplinarian  with  official  power  and  authority. 

'  If  probation  officers  do  not  report  tq  the  judges  with  such  frequency  as 
to  enable  the  judges  to  know  the  circumstances  in  each  individual  case,  the  pro- 
bation system  is  weak  in  that  particular,  and  the  societies  maintaining  proba- 
tion officers  would  seem  to  be  derelict.  If  the  judges  do  not  give  close  attention 
to  the  reports  of  the  probation  officers  as  to  delinquency  and  as  to  progress  of 
probationers,  they  are  not  aiding  in  the  working  out  of  an  efficient  system. 
The  judges  are  as  responsible  for  being  informed  as  to  the  merits  of  their  pro- 
bationers as  the  warden  of  a  prison  is  responsible  for  having  knowledge  as  to 
the  progress  of  the  inmates  of  his  prison. 

"That  the  probation  officers  are  over-crowded  as  to  cases  is  well  known. 
That  the  distribution  of  cases  is  quite  uneven  is  also  well  known.  In  the  opinion 
of  the  Prison  Association  this  calls  for  a  remedy. 

''If  probationers  should  become  delinquent  and  are  allowed  to  continue 
delinquent;  if  little  or  no  effort  is  made  to  check  their  delinquency  or  to  arrest 
them;  if  a  sentimental  or  unjust  leniency  is  exercised  without  extenuating  cir- 
cumstances, the  probation  system  sags.  It  is  just  as  important  to  weigh  the 
case  of  the  delinquent  probationer  as  it  is  to  weigh  the  case  of  the  escaped 
prisoner.  Otherwise  contempt  for  law  is  created  as  well  as  a  criticism  of  the 
courts,  of  the  probation  officers,  and  of  the  societies  maintaining  them." 

In  1911  a  bill  was  introduced  into  the  New  York  legislature,  pro- 
viding for  the  extension  of  the  powers  of  the  state  probation  com- 
mission to  supervise  the  parole  work  of  the  state, 
A  Parole          as  that  supervision  is  now  exercised  over  the  pro- 
and  bation   work.     The   Association   is   in   sympathy 

Probation  with  this  proposed  extension  of  supervision,  which 
Commission.  is  quite  distinct  from  any  control  or  administra- 
tion of  parole  work.  The  bill  will  be  reintroduced 
in  1912.  We  believe  that  for  statistical  purposes, 
and  for  the  general  betterment  of  the  parole  work  of  the  state,  there 
should  be  a  central  agency  to  which  all  facts  of  importance  regarding 
the  administration  of  parole  work  in  the  state  should  be  reported, 
and  which  should  have  the  power  to  require  such  reports.  The 
state  probation  commission  has  so  administered  its  supervisory 
powers  in  connection  with  the  requiring  of  facts  regarding  the  work 
of  probation  officers  that  the  state  has  now  an  increasingly  valuable 
collection  of  regularly  gathered  statistics.  The  efficiency  of  parole 
work  depends  not  only  upon  the  work  of  the  individual  parole  officer, 
or  of  the  individual  institution,  but  also  upon  the  coordination  of 
parole  work,  and  upon  the  systematizing  of  that  work.  The  methods 
suggested  by  the  state  probation  commission  in  probation  work 
have  been  valuable.  It  seems  clear  that  the  state  parole  and  proba- 
tion commission,  if  established,  will  not  undertake  parole  work 
already  carried  on  by  institutions  or  organizations,  but  will  require 
from  such  institutions  and  organizations,  very  justly,  reports  of  their 
work,  and  be  able  to  make  valuable  suggestions  to  them  of  possible 
improvements  in  their  methods.  The  Prison  Association  will  be 
glad  at  any  time  to  receive  such  suggestions  and  give  them  careful 
consideration. 


32  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

The  Association  is  invested  with  a  certain  amount  of  responsibility 

in  that  one  section  of    its  charter  requires  it  to 

The  Association   inspect  and  report  the  condition  of    jails.     The 

and  the  general  agent,  Mr.   Kimball,  and  his    assistant, 

City  Prison.        Mr.  Berman,  are  in  daily  attendance  at  the  Tombs 

and  their  time  is  devoted  principally  to  the  work 

of  probation,  which  is  reported  elsewhere. 

The  city  prison  (Tombs)  has  been  over-crowded  throughout  the 
year  but  conditions  are  better  on  the  whole  than  they  were  during 
the  summer  months,  when  some  of  the  courts  were  closed  for  the 
usual  vacation. 

For  half  a  century  the  Association  has  protested  against  the  evil 
of  unprincipled  lawyers  who  make  it  their  business  to  prey  upon 
ignorant  and  unfortunate  prisoners.  A  number  of  instances  of  such 
evil  practices  were  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  commissioner  of 
corrections  and  as  a  result  a  placard  was  printed  and  posted  on 
every  tier  in  the  city  prison  where  all  prisoners  could  read  it.  The 
placard  is  printed  on  the  following  page. 


Interior  View.  Cell,   Portland   Prison.  England.     Built  in   1909 


THE  ASSOCIATION  AND  THE  CITY  PRISON.  33 


NOTICE  TO  PRISONERS 

Do  not  trust  in  fellow  prisoners.  It"  you  are  without  friends, 
tell  your  story  to  the  agent  of  this  Association  who  will  advise 
you  as  to  all  your  rights  without  charge. 


If   you  have  no  money  to  pay  for  a  lawyer,  the  court  will 
assign  one  to  defend  you.     This  will  cost  you  nothing. 


If  you  are  going  to  plead  guilty  in  court  and  ask  for  mercy, 
you  need  no  lawyer.  The  probation  officer  sent  by  the  judge 
will  hear  your  story  and  look  after  your  interests  without  charge. 


If  a  lawyer  sends  for  you,  be  very  careful,  unless  you  are 
sure  he  was  sent  by  your  friends. 


Tell  those  who  visit  you  to  beware  of  those  around  the  court 
and  prison  who  act  as  "steerers"  for  lawyers. 


Free  advice  will  be  given  by  the  agent  of  this  Association  who 
visits  the  prison  daily.  Letters  for  him  may  be  dropped  in  his 
letter  box  at  the  front  gate,  by  the  prison  messengers 

Address  letters  as  follows: 

Agent,  Prison  Association,  City  Prison. 
Or,  135  East  1 5th  Street,  New  York. 


COPY  OF  CARD  POSTED  IN  CITY  PRISON,  NEW  YORK 


34  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

The  letter-boxes  which  were  established  and  in  which  prisoners 
were  invited  to  deposit  letters,  were  productive  of  much  good.  They 
enabled  the  agent  to  secure  counsel  for  the  friendless  and  deserving 
prisoners,  in  many  instances  to  expedite  trials  and  to  defeat  the 
scheme  of  some  lawyers  who  were  of  the  class  above  mentioned. 

Two  cases  are  cited  as  showing  the  result. 

An  Irishman  on  the  third  tier  who  was  accused  of  sharp  practices 
inja  horse'deal  asked  the  Association  to  investigate  his  case  and  if 
possible  find  out  why  he  had  been  confined  in  the  prison  from  the 
1 8th  of  June,  until  late  in  October,  without  a  trial.  Investigation 
showed  that  his  lawyer  lived  in  Long  Island  city  and  did  not  give 
any  attention  to  the  case  because  it  was  not  convenient  and  because 
he  was  away  on  vacation.  Judge  Rosalsky  disposed  of  the  case  in 
twenty-four  hours  and  released  the  man  on  probation  in  the  custody 
of  this  Association,  because  he  thought  the  man  had  been  sufficiently 
punished. 

Another  case  is  that  of  a  Greek,  convicted  in  the  court  of  special 
sessions  for  violation  of  the  excise  law,  and  sentenced  to  thirty  days 
imprisonment  and  two  hundred  dollars  fine.  He  was  the  proprietor 
of  a  small  restaurant  which  he  had  purchased  for  one  thousand 
dollars.  Eight  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  was  paid  and  the  balance 
allowed  to  stand  until  the  vendor  made  certain  necessary  repairs. 
This  part  of  the  contract  was  not  carried  out  promptly,  but  the  pris- 
oner conducted  the  restaurant  and  in  the  course  of  business  violated 
the  law  by  selling  a  bottle  of  beer  to  two  customers  who  proved  to 
be  detectives.  He  was  brought  to  trial  and  sentenced  as  stated. 

While  he  was  in  prison  the  vendor  brought  suit  for  the  balance  of 
one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  and  he  was  about  to  get  judgment  when 
the  Association  learned  of  the  case  through  the  letter  box.  A  lawyer 
was  secured  for  him,  the  case  postponed,  the  fine  was  remitted  and 
the  poor  fellow  was  enabled  to  save  his  little  business. 

Many  of  the  communications  received  in  the  letter  box  relate  to 
matters  over  which  the  Association  has  no  control.  A  number  have 
been  received  from  prisoners  who  are  mentally  deficient,  but  much 
good  has  resulted,  and  this  particular  branch  of  the  work  is  sure  to 
increase  in  usefulness. 


Prison-Made   Concrete    Blocks    for    Breakwater.    Peterhead.   Scotland 


\ 


Quarry,    Peterhead    Prison.   Scotland 


THE  ASSOCIATION  AND  THE  CITY  PRISON. 


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38  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

x 

Ages  of  probationers,  reporting  Jan.  1st,  Ages  of  probationers  discharged  during 

1912  1911 

16  to  20 43     16  to  20 19 

21  to  25 30     21  to  25 14 

261030 24     261030 12 

3Ito35 23    311035 6 

361040 14    361040 3 

41*045 7    411045 4 

46  to  50 3    46  to  50 5 

511062 4    511062 2 


148  65 

Average  age  (years) 27     Average  age  (years) 28 


Reports,  in.  person,  total 4>!75 

Reports,  in  person,  average  per  week 80 

Reports,  in  person,  average  per  month 348 

Reports  by  mail  and  telephone  during  1911 970 

Average  per  week 18 

Average  per  month 60 

Average  length  of  time  of  reporting i  yr.  9  mos. 

Cases  on  probation  inspected,  191 1 83 

Number  of  visits  to  probation  cases,  1911 140 


Number  of  cases  on  probation,  Jan.  i,  1911 12 1 

Number  of  cases  received  during  1911 137 

Number  of  cases  received  during  1911,  and  trans- 
ferred to  other  probation  officers 25 

162 


Total 283 

Number  of  cases  discharged  by  expiration  of  maximum  sen- 
tence   41 

Number   of  cases   discharged   by   expiration   of  probation 

period 25 

Re-arrested  and  committed 1 1 

Bench  warrants  issued v 5 

Lost. .  i 


Total 83 

Number  of  cases  transferred  to  other  probation  officers.  ....  25 

Total.  .  1 08 


Number  of  cases  received  during  1911,  on  probation 283 

Number  of  cases  passed  during  1911 108 

Total  number  remaining  on  probation  Jan.  I,  1912  ..  175 


PRISON  FARMS  AND  FARM  COLONIES 

THE   "prison   farm"   and   the  "farm  colony"  movements   have 
gained  much  impetus  during  the  year.     Especially  noteworthy 
was  the  purchase  by  the  state  ot  Pennsylvania,  in  December, 
of  4878  acres  at  a  cost  of  $191,655,  for  the  new  site  of  the  western 
penitentiary  of  that  state.     This  old  penitentiary 
Prison  Farms  and  has    had    in   recent   years   an    enviable    record 

Farm  Colonies,    as    to     its     warden,    John     Francies,     and     an 
unenviable    record    as    to   tuberculosis. 

In  Kansas  City  the  board  of  pardons  and  paroles  maintains  a 
municipal  farm  of  135  acres,  which  is  used  for  the  physical  and  moral 
rehabilitation  of  a  number  of  the  paroled  men.  In  Colorado  the 
working  of  state  prisoners  in  the  open,  on  roads,  but  not  on  farms, 
has  attracted  much  attention.  Penitentiary  prisoners,  upwards  of 
300  in  number,  have  been  housed  during  the  past  four  years  in  camps 
in  the  wild  and  mountainous  sections  of  the  state,  at  times  200  miles 
from  the  penitentiary,  without  guards  or  guns,  and  yet  there  were 
only  two  escapes  in  one  year. 

The  city  workhouse  of  Cleveland  occupies  750  acres  of  land,  nine 
miles  from  the  city,  purchased  in  1904,  and  the  city  plans  to  make 
of  its  workhouse  a  model  farm.  Escapes  are  relatively  frequent. 
In  Michigan  Warden  Otis  Fuller  of  the  state  reformatory  has  built 
with  prison  labor  a  mile  of  good  gravel  road  between  the  reformatory 
and  the  city  of  Lansing,  and  claims  that  farming  and  road  building 
could  be  greatly  extended  with  profit  to  the  state  and  the  prisoners. 
"I  doubt,"  says  the  warden,  "if  there  is  a  prison  in  the  United  States 
which  could  not  profitably  work  more  than  1000  acres  with  prison 
labor."  Similarly  Warden  Simpson  of  the  Jackson  (Mich.)  peni- 
tentiary has  reported  that  in  his  opinion,  based  upon  the  prison  farm 
of  that  institution,  there  is  no  work,  trade  or  calling,  to  which  men 
striving  for  a  livelihood  may  fall  heir,  so  conducive  to  the  development 
of  health,  happiness,  honesty  and  independence,  combined  with  all 
the  attributes  of  a  good  citizen,  as  practical  and  successful  farming. 
|In  Montpelier,  Vermont,  Sheriff  Tracy  of  the  county  jail  is  said  to 
trust  his  prisoners  to  come  and  go  almost  as  freely  as  members  of  his 
own  family.  A  state  law  authorizes  all  sheriffs  to  set  their  prisoners 
at  work  either  inside  or  outside  the  jails.  Sheriff  Tracy's  charges, 
permitted  and  encouraged  to  go  out  to  work  on  farms  during  the  day, 
have  in  four  years  earned  above  $6000,  of  which  a  total  exceeding 
$2000  was  kept  by  themselves.  The  District  of  Columbia  bought 
recently  a  farm  of  uoo  acres  near  Occoquan,  Virginia,  and  is  there 

(39) 


4O  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

building  a  farm  colony  workhouse.  During  the  first  year  there 
passed  through  the  prison  farm  3000  men,  yet  there  were  but  sixty 
attempts  at  escape.  The  superintendent  estimates  that  within  three 
years  the  farm  will  be  self-supporting  and  that  eventually  the  farm 
will  clear  from  $20,000  to  $30,000  a  year  after  paying  all  the  expenses 
of  maintenance  of  prisoners. 

In  Oregon  chains  and  stripes  have  been  abolished,  and  prisoners 
have  been  put  at  work  outside  prison  walls,  without  guards,  on  roads 
or  farms  or  in  buildings;  with  150  men  working  outside  the  peniten- 
tiary only  three  men  escaped  between  January  and  July,  1911. 
In  the  Kansas  state  penitentiary  every  man  is  given  six  months  on 
the  farm  just  previous  to  his  release.  "The  farm  work  and  a  half- 
hour  recreation  period  have  reduced  the  ordinary  prison  vices  seventy 
per  cent." 

Canada  corroborates  strongly  the  above  experiences  of  other 
American  prisons.  Warden  J.  T.  Gilmour  said  in  the  spring  of 
1911  of  the  prison  farm  of  the  central  prison  of  Toronto,  the  farm 
being  of  530  acres  fifty  miles  distant  from  the  city,  that  "we  have 
taken  out  to  this  farm  500  men,  of  whom  four  have  escaped  success- 
fully and  three  or  four  have  attempted  to  escape  —  unsuccessfully." 

The  prison  farm  and  the  farm  colony  appeal  strongly  to  public 
oxpinion.  Prison. officials  in  general  favor  farm  work  for  at  least  a 
part  of  the  prison  population.  It  is  healthy,  varied,  reasonably 
strenuous,  easily  learned,  offers  an  outlet  to  much  unskilled  labor- 
energy,  does  not  compete  with  outside  organized  labor,  produces 
articles  of  consumption  for  institutions,  and  furnishes  a  liberty  of 
movement  far  less  hampered  than  within  prison  walls,  while  testing 
the  ability  of  the  prisoner  to  meet  the  temptation  of  escape. 

The  possibilities  of  prison  farms  and  farm  colonies  for  New  York 

state  are  being  carefully  weighed  by  institution  boards  of  managers, 

superintendents,  wardens  and  by  public  and  pri- 

In  New  York,  vate  boards  and  societies.  Several  serious  ques- 
tions arise  in  connection  with  adult  prisoners. 
Will  escapes  be  frequent  ?  Will  the  farm  be  more  remunerative  to 
the  state  and  to  the  prisoner  than  well-developed  industries  in  shops  ? 
Will  the  administrative  expenses  be  considerably  higher  ? 

Answers  to  these  and  other  questions  will  be  obtained  only  through 
experience.  The  Bedford  state  reformatory  for  women  is  a  cottage 
institution,  but  with  very  little  cultivable  land.  The  state  training 
school  for  boys  at  Industry  is  a  cottage  system  community  par  excel- 
lence, the  school  covering  over  1400  acres,  and  farm  cottages  being 
in  the  main  the  centers  of  separate  farms  varying  in  extent  from  50 
to  150  acres. 

The  new  state  prison  at  Comstock,  now  under  construction,  has 
an  area  of  1000  acres  and  is  destined  for  "first-timers"  in  state  prison. 
During  1911  inmates  have  been  transferred  to  this  prison,  located 
several  miles  south  of  Whitehall.  It  is  planned  that  it  shall  be  the 
"agricultural  prison"  of  the  state.  The  proposed  Harlem  prison  at 
Wingdale,  which  was  to  be  located  on  a  tract  of  approximately  600 


THE  BOARD  OF  INEBRIETY  41 

acres,  was  to  be  partially  agricultural,  partially  industrial.  Construc- 
tion was  halted  on  this  prison  by  Governor  Dix  late  in  1911. 

The  farm  colony  plan  Has  been  adopted  this  year  in  connection  with 
three  important  new  institutions:  the  state  industrial  farm  colony 
(for  tramps  and  vagrants);  the  farm  colony  and  hospital  of  the  board 
of  inebriety,  New  York  city,  and  the  New  York  city  reformatory  for 
misdemeanants.  Let  us  consider  these  institutions  and  their  possi- 
bilities in  detail. 

By  act  of  the  legislature  of  1911,  the  state  industrial  farm  colony 

was  established.     Late  in  1911,  the  governor  appointed  a  board  of 

managers, consisting  of  two  lawyers,  two  general 

The  State         secretaries   of  charitable    societies,   the   commis- 

Industrial         sioner  of  public  charities  in  New  York  city,  a 

Farm  Colony,  banker  and  the  professor  of  farm  management 
at  Cornell  university.  By  the  terms  of  the  act, 
the  purpose  of  the  state  industrial  farm  colony  is  "the  detention, 
humane  discipline,  instruction  and  reformation  of  male  adults  com- 
mitted thereto  as  tramps  and  vagrants." 

The  duties  of  the  board  of  managers  are  briefly:  to  secure  a  site, 
to  build  the  colony,  to  administer  it  and  to  conduct  a  system  of  parole. 
The  site  shall  be  of  not  less  than  500  acres.  The  board  organized 
on  December  15,  1911,  and  the  general  secretary  of  the  Prison 
Asociation  was  elected  secretary  of  the  board.  A  sub-committee 
of  the  board  was  appointed  to  seek  a  proper  site  for  the  colony. 

In  view  of  the  exhaustive  study  of  vagrancy,  on  pages  78  to  150 
of  this  report,  further  treatment  of  the  subject  is  omitted  from  this 
portion  of  our  report.  Yet  we  would  point  out  that  the  action  of 
the  New  York  legislature  in  establishing  this  state  industrial  farm 
colony  is  of  high  significance  to  the  country  in  general.  In  many 
statesfarmcolonieswereadvocatedin  191 1.  The  New  York  colony  will 
be  most  carefully  watched,  both  in  the  United  States  and  abroad. 
Can  the  tramp  army  be  reduced  ?  Can  vagrants  be  made  to  work  ? 
Will  a  farm  colony  prove  a  deterrent  ?  Will  it  reform  ?  Will  it 
rehabilitate  the  wanderer  ?  Will  the  colony  be  a  serious  initial  and 
annual  expense  to  the  state  ?  What  should  be  the  size  of  the  colony  ? 
Is  vagrancy  an  unavoidable  social  plague  ?  Such  are  some  of  the 
questions  for  which  charitable  and  correctional  bodies  throughout  the 
country  await  an  answer. 

The  board  of  inebriety  of  New  York  city  is  a  new  and  important 
departure  in  the  treatment  of  habitual  and  occasional  intoxication. 
In  1910,  legislation  was  enacted  authorizing  the 
The  Board  city  of  New  York  to  establish  a  board  of  inebriety 
of  of  seven  members,  to  maintain  a  probation  system, 

Inebriety  a  reception  hospital,  and  a  farm  colony  and  hos- 
pital. The  board  was  empowered  to  maintain  a 
corps  of  field  officers  (i.  e.,  probation  officers),  to  release  first  offenders 
from  the  station  houses  after  arrest  and  without  appearance  at  court;  to 
receive  inebriates  on  probation  from  the  court,  to  collect  fines  in  install- 
ments, to  maintain  a  hospital  in  the  city  for  "worse"  cases,  and  to 


42  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

transfer  to  the  farm  colony  and  colony  hospital,  and  to  hold  there  under 
restraint,  such  inebriates,  committed  by  the  courts  to  the  board,  as 
the  board  shall  deem  would  profit  by  such  treatment.  By  further 
legislation  in  1911,  all  cities  of  the  first  and  second  class  were  author- 
ized to  establish  such  boards  of  inebriety. 

The  carrying  power  of  such  a  law  is  apparent  to  all  who  know  how 
futile  has  been  the  public  treatment  of  inebriety.  The  annual  report 
of  the  Prison  Assocaition  in  1910  gave  in  detail  appalling  examples 
of  short  sentences  for  inebriety,  repeated  workhouse  convictions, 
petty  fines,  discharges,  recurrent  visits  for  a  few  days  to  the  alcoholic 
ward  of  Bellevue  hospital,  and  the  like.  A  more  unprofitable  method 
of  dealing  with  intemperance  (which  is  the  greatest  cause  of  com- 
mitments to  penal  institutions  in  the  United  States),  cannot  be  found. 

In  the  early  summer  of  1911,  Mayor  Gaynor  of  New  York  appointed 
a  board  of  inebriety,  which  includes  among  others  the  commissioner  of 
public  charities  and  the  commissioner  of  correction.  This  board  has 
sought  sites  for  the  colony  and  for  the  reception  hospital,  and  has  with 
commendable  desire  to  secure  the  best  results  sought  suggestions  for 
plans  for  the  farm  colony  from  a  number  of  New  York  city  architects. 

The  character  of  the  institution  has  been  the  subject  of  serious 
deliberation.  The  board  has  decided  to  build  a  hospital  and  colony 
admitting  of  the  classification  of  inmates  in  all  degrees  from  the 
strictest  custodial  care  to  the  largest  amount  of  freedom — in  honor 
cottages — consistent  with  the  general  purpose  of  the  colony.  Close 
study  of  existing  institutions  led  the  board  to  recognize  both  the 
advantages  and  disadvantages  of  the  congregate  system  of  construc- 
tion and  the  cottage  system  of  construction.  The  new  farm  colony 
for  inebriates  will,  if  present  plans  are  adhered  to,  be  an  institution 
combining  the  best  features  of  the  congregate  plan  and  of  the  cottage 
plan,  the  congregate  division  furnishing  a  number  of  buildings  for 
custodial  restraint,  while  the  cottages  will  give  excellent  chance  to 
house  trustworthy  inmates  in  conditions  approximating  that  of  the 
family.  The  board  is  to  be  commended  not  only  for  providing  for 
a  system  in  which  rewards  and  deprivations  will  be  thus  a  central 
feature,  but  in  "making  haste  slowly"  in  an  experiment  of  so  far- 
reaching  importance.  The  farm  colony  is  planned  for  500  inmates. 

The  board  of  inebriety  is  a  city  board,  and  the  farm  colony  will  be 
a  city  institution.  The  trend  in  charitable  legislation  has  been 
toward  the  establishment  of  state  rather  than  local  institutions  for 
the  care  of  special  classes  of  dependent  defectives  and  delinquents, 
such  as  the  blind,  the  deaf,  the  crippled,  the  epileptic,  the  feeble- 
minded, and  the  insane.  But  the  number  of  inebriates  was  estimated 
to  be  so  large,  that  in  urging  legislation  the  promoters  of  the  bill 
believed  that  the  several  cities  of  the  first  and  second  class,  rather  than 
the  state,  should  establish  hospital  and  colony  facilities  for  their  local 
inebriates.  Whether  the  local  administration  of  such  important 
organizations  as  boards  of  inebriety  will  be  so  successful  under  local 
conditions  and  influence  is  a  question  open  to  doubt. 


Disciplinary  Building   [Single  Outside  Cells]    Fichtenhain   Reformatory. 
Crefeld,  Germany 


Punishment    [Light]   Cell.   Boys'   Reform   School.   Amersfoort.   Holland 


STATE   REFORMATORY  FOR    MISDEMEANANTS  43 

The  New  York  city  reformatory  for  misdemeanants  was  established 

in  1905  because  there  was  no  state  reformatory  to  which  to  send 

misdemeanants.     Located    on    Hart's    island   in 

New  York        closest   proximity   to   a    branch   workhouse   and 

City  within  a   short  distance  of  the  "Potter's  Field" 

Reformatory,      where  the  city's  pauper  dead  are  interred,  the  city 

reformatory  has  since  its  establishment  been  a 

reformatory  largely  only  in  name. 

Prior  to  the  advent  of  the  present  commissioner  of  correction  the 
reformatory  was  continually  the  subject  of  severe  criticism,  because 
it  was  in  little  or  no  sense  fulfilling  a  reformatory  purpose.  The 
buildings  were  few,  the  system  lacking  and  the  results  meagre. 

The  present  commissioner  of  correction,  Mr.  Whitney,  in  his 
official  career  has  devoted  much  attention  to  the  problem  of  this  reform- 
atory. An  architect  has  drawn  successively  plans  for  a  congregate 
institution  with  inside  cell  block,  for  a  congregate  institution  with  out- 
side cells,  and  more  recently  for  a  cottage  plan  institution  in  the  country. 
In  the  latter  part  of  191 1,  the  commissioner  made  request  of  the  board 
of  estimate  and  apportionment  for  $800,000  with  which  to  establish 
a  city  reformatory  in  the  country.  Close  cooperation  in  the  study 
of  sites  and  the  best  possible  system  for  the  city  reformatory  has  been 
maintained  between  the  department  of  correction  and  the  Prison 
Association. 

In  our  opinion  the  possibility  of  locating  an  adequate  reformatory 
on  Hart's  island  is  out  of  the  question.  We  strongly  urge  upon  the 
board  of  estimate  and  apportionment  an  adequate  appropriation  for 
a  cottage-plan  country  reformatory.  We  urge  that  architecturally 
it  shall  embody  the  broadest  experience  of  similar  reformatories  in 
this  country  and  that  from  the  standpoint  of  administration  it  shall 
seek  the  ablest  superintendent  that  can  be  found  in  the  United  States. 
In  every  way  this  city  reformatory  should  be  a  model  for  the  entire 
country.  The  city  of  New  York  can  afford  to  do  no  less  than  this 
in  the  establishment  of  one  of  its  most  necessary  institutions  already 
delayed  many  years. 

Trie  proposed  state  reformatory  for  misdemeanants  will  again  in 
1912  be  vigorously  urged  by  representatives  of  charitable  and  cor- 
rectional boards  and  organizations  in  this  state. 
State  It  is  exasperating  to  see  the  annual  effort  made 

Reformatory      by  the  most  representative  charitable  and  correc- 
tor Misde-        tional    bodies     in    this     state     rebuffed    by   the 
meanants.        legislature  on  the  grounds  that  there  are  not  suffi- 
cient funds  for  an  obviously  necessary  institution. 
Preference  is  to  be  given  to  the  following  resolution  during  the  legis- 
lative   campaign    of  1912,    as    endorsed    by  the  bodies  mentioned 
on  pages  13  and  14: 

RESOLVED,  That  it  be  recommended  that  the  state  legislature  make  pro- 
vision for  a  state  reformatory  for  male  misdemeanants  between  the  years  of 
sixteen  and  twenty-one,  where  such  males  may  be  committed  on  indeter- 
minate sentences  and  where  they  may  be  properly  trained  and  educated. 


44  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

A  member  of  the  prison  commission,  Honorable  Frank  E.  Wade, 
in  addressing  in  December  the  state  conference  of  magistrates  at 
Albany,  said: 

"The  prison  system  in  New  York  state  presents  a  strange  paradox.  Train- 
ing schools  are  provided  for  delinquent  boys  and  girls  under  sixteen  years  of 
age.  There  are  reformatories  for  boys  and  men  from  sixteen  to  thirty  years 
of  age  who  have  been  convicted  of  felonies.  Reformatories  are  also  available 
for  girls  from  fifteen  to  thirty  years  of  age.  The  wayward  boy  of  over  sixteen 
years,  however,  who  has  not  committed  a  felony  but  who  must  be  sent  away 
for  the  commission  of  a  minor  crime,  is  denied  all  reformatory  treatment. 

"Sixteen  years  of  age  is  simply  an  arbitrary  division  established  by  law. 
Many  boys  of  sixteen,  seventeen  and  eighteen  are  as  immature  and  susceptible 
to  evil  associations  as  those  under  sixteen.  The  boy  at  sixteen  is  just  beginning 
to  prepare  for  his  future  life.  He  is  then  young  enough  to  be  easily  moulded 
by  environment,  and  old  enough  to  have  some  discretion  in  the  selection  of 
his  trade  or  life  work. 

"During  the  five  years  from  sixteen  to  twenty-one  the  boy  is  preparing  to 
shape  his  future  career  and  to  become  an  American  citizen.  These  are  form- 
ative and  more  or  less  restless  years.  The  virile  animal  propensities  are  begin- 
ning to  assert  themselves,  unaccompanied  by  maturity  and  balance  of  judg- 
ment. Many  reckless  and  neglected  boys  who  commit  minor  crimes  are  unfit 
to  remain  at  liberty,  even  under  probation,  and  are  moving  in  the  grooves  that 
lead  to  confirmed  criminality.  You  all  meet  the  type  daily  in  your  courts: — 
wrong-headed  boys,  twisted  out  of  gear  by  bad  habits  and  associations,  stub- 
born and  sullen,  generally  dissipated,  intolerant  of  advice,  sowing  the  wildest 
oats  of  the  smart  period  of  life. 

"Guardianship  of  minors  has  been  reserved  by  the  state  in  law  and  equity 

from  time  immemorial.     It  follows  consequently  that,  both  in  morals  and  in 

law,  the  state  owes  a  special  obligation  to  neglected  and 

The  State's        delinquent  minors.     How  does  the  great  state  of  New 

Duty.  York  discharge  this  moral  and  legal  obligation  to   boy 

minors   between   sixteen   and   twenty-one  years   of  age 

whom  the  courts  decree  must  receive  institutional  treatment  for  the  commis- 
sion of  minor  crimes  ?  Jt  consigns  them  to  penitentiaries  and  jails. 

"Most  of  the  inmates  of  the  penitentiaries  are  kept  in  idleness,  with  the 
exception  of  those  in  the  New  York  and  Onondaga  county  penitentiaries,  and 
there  work  should  be  increased  fifty  per  cent.  In  some  of  the  penitentiaries, 
the  cell  accommodations  are  unfit  for  human  beings.  I  could  name  a  peni- 
tentiary where  most  of  the  inmates  are  kept  in  their  cells  during  the  twenty- 
four  hours  of  the  day,  except  for  short  exercise  periods.  I  could  name  two 
other  penitentiaries  where  the  inmates  are  daily  marched  into  workshops 
denuded  of  all  industries,  and  are  seated  on  benches,  remaining  there  during 
the  working  day  doing  absolutely  nothing.  There  is  not  a  penitentiary  in 
the  state  that  gives  educational  instruction,  with  the  exception  of  New  York 
penitentiary,  where  the  warden  is  about  to  institute  something  in  that  line. 
There  is  not  a  penitentiary  in  the  state  where  minors  are  separated  from  adults, 
except  in  the  New  York  penitentiary.  In  1909,  1,560  and  in  1910,  1,333  hoys 
between  the  ages  of  sixteen  and  twenty-one  were  imprisoned  in  the  penitentiaries. 


JAIL  EVILS  45 

"The  conditions  in  the  county  jails  are  even  worse.  Only  a  few  jails  fur- 
nish employment,  and  that  of  the  most  rudimentary  kind,  such  as  breaking 
sto%ne.  Only  a  few  jails  have  yards,  and  the  inmates  of 
Jail  Evils.  the  jails  have  practically  no  exercise  in  the  open  during 
the  period  of  confinement.  The  jail  construction  is 

generally  a  cage  affair,  the  cells  opening  into  corridors  where  the  inmates 
freely  mingle  during  the  whole  day,  play  cards,  and  loaf  away  their  time. 
While  the  county  law  forbids  the  mingling  of  minors  and  adults  in  jails,  it  is 
constantly  violated  notwithstanding  the  most  strenuous  efforts  of  the  state 
commission  of  prisons.  Abominable  practices  are  reported.  There  is  cer- 
tainly opportunity  enough,  because  most  of  the  time  the  inmates  are  not 
watched,  and  degraded  characters  are  confined  in  the  jails.  In  1909,  4294 
and  in  1910,  3816  boys  between  the  ages  of  sixteen  and  twenty-one  were  confined 
in  the  county  jails,  a  good  proportion  of  whom  were  time  prisoners. 

"Now,  gentlemen,  these  conditions  constitute  a  serious  indictment  against 
the  intelligence  and  the  moral  sense  of  the  state  of  New  York.  For  a  number 
of  years  past  the  friends  of  prison  reform  have  been  soliciting  the  legislature 
to  make  provision  for  a  reformatory  for  male  misdemeanants  between  the  ages 
of  sixteen  and  twenty-one  years  of  age.  Conferences  of  charities  and  correc- 
tions, this  conference,  and  other  public  and  philanthropic  bodies  have  expressed 
themselves  in  favor  of  this  proposition  in  resolutions  and  by  appointment  of 
committees,  and  yet  practically  no  progress  has  been  made. 

"I  regard  the  erection  of  a  reformatory  for  male  misdemeanants  between 
the  ages  of  sixteen  and  twenty-one  as  the  most  necessary  and  urgent  prison 
reform  at  present  under  public  discussion.  Such  an  institution  should  be  of  the 
character  of  the  Elmira  reformatory,  fully  as  large  and  fully  as  well  equipped. 
It  would  soon  be  filled  by  boys  who  are  now  being  degraded  and  destroyed  in 
our  penitentiaries  and  jails.  The  inmates  should  be  committed  on  an  inde- 
terminate sentence,  instructed  in  trades  and  agriculture,  and  receive  an  educa- 
tion at  least  up  to  the  standard  of  the  common  school. 

"An  institution  of  this  kind  will  round  out  the  prison  system  of  the  state, 
remove  the  present  stigma  of  neglect  and  provide  a  place  where  you,  as  magis- 
trates, can  commit  the  delinquent  boy  between  sixteen  and  twenty-one  years 
of  age  with  the  assurance  that  he  will  be  surrounded  by  reformatory  and  cor- 
rective influences  and  with  the  chances  that  he  will  be  saved  to  usefulness 
and  good  citizenship." 

The  Prison  Association  recommends  as  the  most  necessary  correc- 
tional institution  not  yet  established  in  the  state  of  New  York  a  state 
reformatory  for  male  misdemeanants  between  the  ages  of  16  and  21 
years.  To  the  question  why  the  age  limit  should  be  21,  there  are  at 
least  two  answers: 

First.  The  years  from  16  to  21  are  peculiarly  filled  with  criminal 
tendencies.  Tne  energy  of  the  state  expended  upon  the  reformation 
of  misdemeanants  should  be  first  within  those  ages,  provision  for 
juvenile  delinquents  of  lesseryears  already  being  relatively  satisfactory. 

Second.  It  is  anticipated  that  the  state  industrial  farm  colony, 
receiving  only  males  above  the  age  of  21,  will  thus  receive  many 
who  otherwise  would  be  sent  to  a  reformatory  for  misdemeanants, 
since  a  considerable  proportion  of  offenders  are  committed  for 
vagrancy  to  our  various  institutions. 


46  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

In  brief,  the  growth  of  the  farm  colony  plan  in  the  treatment  of 
prisoners  is  widespread  and  contagious.  We  are  in  an  experimental 
period.  It  would  be  dangerous  to  establish 
The  Future.  colonies  so  devoid  of  correctional  methods  or  of 
custodial  buildings  that  the  deterrent  or  the 
restraining  effect  of  the  commitment  would  be  largely  lost.  On  the 
other  hand  the  old  congregate  type  of  institution  is,  we  believe,  slowly 
passing  away.  Inevitably,  if  the  farm  colony  or  the  prison  farm 
shows  that  offenders  against  the  law  may  be  trusted  far  more  than 
has  heretofore  been  believed,  the  tendency  will  be  in  the  construction 
of  new  prisons  to  extend  the  prison  farm,  the  outdoor  work  and  the 
degree  of  confidence  placed  in  the  individual  man.  And  indeed,  it 
may  be  asked  with  seriousness  whether  the  trend  in  the  treatment  of 
prisoners  is  not  constantly  toward  the  restoration  of  the  "normal" 
whenever  possible  in  the  treatment  of  prisoners  rather  than  in  the 
retention  of  the  abnormal,  be  it  in  surroundings,  in  discipline,  in 
rooms,  in  food  or  in  work. 


THE  TREATMENT  OF  THE  FEEBLE-MINDED  DELINQUENT 

THE  year  1911  has  been  noteworthy  as  regards  the  attention  given 
to  the  problem  of  the  feeble-minded  delinquent.     The  states  of 
the  Union  have  in  general  made  more  or  less  adequate  provision 
for  the  treatment  of  the  insane.     In  a  number  of  states  the  criminal  in- 
sane are  housed  either  in  separate  institutions  or  in  separate  wings  of 
insane  hospitals.     The  treatment  of  the  insane  has  undergone  great 
changes.     Mercy,  patience,  sympathy  and  the  hope  of  cure  have  all 
become  prominent  factors  in  the  treatment  of  those  bereft  of  their 
reason. 

For  those  not  bereft  of  their  reason  but  of  cloudy  or  feeble  mentality, 
the  states  of  the  Union  have  given  less  thought  than  to  the  treatment 
of  the  insane.  Insanity,  being  a  more  definite  and  acute 
abnormal  mental  condition,  has  obviously  attracted  more  directly 
the  attention  of  the  public.  Feeble-mindedness  is  a  vaguer  mental 
condition  of  which  the  public  frequently  knows  little  and  notices  less. 
The  lowest  stages  of  feeble-mindedness  such  as  idiocy  or  low  grade 
imbecility  are  plain  to  even  the  lay  observer.  The  highest  stages  of 
feeble-mindedness  are  so  subtle  that  even  in  the  court  room  and  the 
prison  they  are  frequently  not  recognized.  Nevertheless,  those 
students  of  feeble-mindedness  and  insanity,  those  alienists  whose 
special  field  is  the  abnormal  brain,  and  those  prison  administrators 
and  social  workers  who  are  concerned  with  the  individual  offender, 
have  united  to  an  extent  never  before  manifest  and  with  an  enthusiasm 
which  bodes  well,  in  proclaiming  that  feeble-mindedness  is  not  only 
far  more  prevalent  in  the  community  than  is  generally  believed,  but 
that  a  considerable  proportion  of  criminals  are  feeble-minded. 

We  are  in  the  early  stages  of  careful  research  into  this  problem  of 
feeble-mindedness  among  criminals.     Even  the  definition  of  feeble- 
mindedness is  often  vague.     Elmira  reformatory 
The  has  announced   in   its  annual   reports  in   recent 

Proportion        years    that    a  proportion  of   practically    40    per 
of  Feeble-        cent  of  their  inmates  are  mental  defectives. 
mindedness.           Mental  defectiveness  ranges  all  the  way  from  the 
lowest  grade  of  idiocy  to  the  backward  mentality. 
Dr.  Henry  H.  Goddard,  known  throughout  the  United  States  for  his 
studies  ot  the  feeble-minded  at  Vineland,  N.  J.,  has  recently  found 
that  among  100  children  arraigned  in  the  juvenile  court  of  Newark, 
N.  J.,  the  ninety-seventh  child  was  normal.     All  the  children  examined 
prior  to  this  ninety-seventh  child  were  declared  abnormal  mentally. 
Sixty-six  per   cent  of  the  children  averaged  mentally  at  least  four 
years  behind  their  chronological  age,  and  were  adjudged  definitely 
feeble-minded.     "It  is  safe  to  say,"  writes  Dr.  Goddard,  "that  these 

47 


48  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

children  have  been  in  the  past  entirely  misunderstood  both  by  their 
parents  and  by  their  teachers  and  the  criminal  authorities.  Beyond 
the  four-year  point  (that  is,  in  the  cases  of  children  testing  more  than 
four  years  behind  their  chronological  age)  there  is  no  possibility  that 
these  children  can  ever  be  normal  nor  can  they  be  considered  entirely 
responsible.  This  is  the  material  out  of  which  we  make  our  adult 
criminals,  since  there  is  no  other  course  open  to  them." 

These  facts  and  other  equally  significant  statements  made  with 
great  frequency  by  responsible  students  of  the  subject  led  the  Prison 
Association  in  1910  to  establish  a  committee  on  defective  delin- 
quents. This  committee  during  191 1  has  held  a  number  of  meetings. 
Some  of  the  results  already  achieved  are  the  following: 

Cooperation  with  the  New  York  state  reformatory  for  women  at  Bedford, 
in  securing  a  fund  of  $1500  to  be  devoted  entirely  to  the  study  of  feeble-minded- 
ness  in  that  institution. 

Cooperation  with  the  house  of  refuge  at  Randall's  Island  in  the  establish- 
ment of  a  separate  wing  in  that  institution  for  the  study  of  the  feeble-minded. 

Cooperation  with  the  department  of  correction  in  New  York  city, 

(a)  in  establishing  a  card  index  plan  for  the  discovery  of  feeble-minded 
persons  in  the  district  prisons  and  in  the  Tombs. 

(b)  in  planning  to  secure  a  fund  sufficient  to  enable  the  department  to  place 
a  specialist  at  the  city  reformatory  for  misdemeanants  at  Hart's  Island  to  study 
the  mental  condition  of  the  inmates. 

Cooperation  with  the  committee  of  the  state  charities  aid  association  on 
provision  for  the  feeble-minded. 

In  addition  the  Prison  Association  has  been  especially  fortunate  in 
securing  the  services  of  Dr.  George  M.  Parker  of  New  York  city  as 
psychiatric  examiner  for  the  Prison  Association.  A  brief  abstract 
from  an  official  report  by  Dr.  Parker  to  the  Association  will  show  the 
field  to  be  covered  in  the  Tombs,  in  which  prison  Dr.  Parker  has  during 
several  afternoons  of  each  week  during  the  last  year  studied  and 
assisted  individual  cases  of  mental  defectiveness. 

"Prisoners  remanded  to  the  Tombs  have  had  no  initial  examination,  either 
physical  or  mental,  unless  suffering  from  some  obvious  disability  or  unless 
themselves  asking  for  mental  advice.  They  came  from  the  district  prisons 
with  their  commitments  only  and  with  an  occasional  verbal  report  where  they 
had  shown  any  striking  symptoms.  They  were  then  assigned  to  the  several 
tiers.  Among  the  tier  keepers  there  has  obtained  the  old  and  not  entirely 
wrong  idea  that  all  prisoners  are  'queer.'  Hence  a  strong  degree  of  queerness 
is  demanded  before  any  particular  attention  has  been  paid  them. 

"Defectiveness,  mental  inferiority,  early  psychoses  and  the  psychopathies 
are  not  easy  to  detect  even  by  the  trained  man.  The  prison  orderly  then  passed 
through  all  the  tiers.  He  treated  those  who  asked  for  treatment  or  those  to 
whom  his  attention  had  been  called  by  the  tier  man.  He  reported  his  cases 
to  the  prison  physician  who  saw  them  on  his  daily  visit  to  the  prison.  Thus 
we  go  back;  the  physician  saw  those  the  orderly  saw;  the  orderly  saw  those  the 
tier  man  saw;  the  tier  man  saw  those  who  wished  for  help  or  seemed  very 


Building    Their    Own    Buildings,  Borstal.  England 


In  the  Grain  Fields,  Borstal,  England 


THE  IMPORT  OF  THE  PROBLEM.  49 

'queer'  to  his  chance  observation  —  and  the  rest,  perhaps  1300  during  1911, 
slipped  through  these  sets  of  fingers  and  it  was  the  fault  really  of  none  of  these. 
The  system  was  bad,  incomplete,  archaic." 

As  above  stated,  a  system  checking  up  the  mental  status  of  all 
prisoners  admitted  to  the  Tombs  has  been  installed  in  the  Tombs  by 
the  commissioner  of  correction  on  the  advice  of  and  with  the  assistance 
of  our  psychiatric  examiner.  In  addition  we  are  indebted  to  Dr. 
Parker  for  his  professional  assistance  to  our  parole  bureau,  often 
averaging  not  only  several  evenings  a  month  when  paroled  men  have 
reported  to  the  Association,  but  also  averaging  many  hours  during 
the  year  for  private  consultation  with  paroled  inmates  at  his  office. 

The  committee  on  defective  delinquents  has  through  its  members 
brought  the  subject  of  the  defective  delinquent  to  the  front  at  the 
national  conference  of  charities  and  correction  in  June  and  at  the 
state  conference  of  charities  and  correction  at  Watertown  in  October. 
The  subject  was  placed  upon  the  program  of  the  American  prison 
association  at  Omaha  in  October  partly  at  the  suggestion  of  the  com- 
mittee on  defective  delinquents  of  the  Prison  Association.  The 
subject  received  special  attention  at  the  recent  annual  conference 
of  the  state  board  of  magistrates,  at  which  several  members  of  the 
committee  presented  the  problem. 

On  motion  of  the  general  secretary  of  the  Prison  Association  the 
state  board  of  magistrates  endorsed  the  following  resolution,  which 
was  subsequently  endorsed  by  the  general  conference  of  December 
22d  mentioned  above: 

RESOLVED,  That  it  be  recommended  that  state  custodial  institutions  be 
established,  one  for  males  and  one  for  females,  for  the  treatment  of  feeble- 
minded persons  convicted  of  crime,  together  with  some  form  of  preliminary 
institution  to  serve  as  a  testing  house,  in  order  to  determine  if  persons  charged 
with  crime  are,  or  are  not,  mentally  defective. 

What  is  the  great  import  of  this  rapidly  increasing  concern  regard- 
ing the  treatment  of  feeble-mindedness  ?     This,  that  if  it  be  established 
that  feeble-mindedness  is  to  a  considerable  degree 
The  Import        present  in  persons  accused  or  convicted  of  crime, 
of  the  and  if  it  be  further  shown  that  the  degree  of  feeble- 

Problem,  mindedness  in  many  of  these  instances  is  such  as 
to  make  the  individuals  but  partially  responsible 
for  their  deeds,  it  will  become  clear  that  prison  treatment  on  the  one 
hand,  and  reformatory  treatment  on  the  other  hand,  cannot  be 
expected  to  produce  permanent  change  in  the  mental  conditions  and 
in  the  physical  habits  of  these  individuals. 

Obviously  then,  these  facts  if  proved  must  lead  to  a  reorganization 
in  considerable  measure  of  our  methods  of  dealing  with  criminals. 
It  will  be  seen  that  reformatories  have  been  unable  to  reform  a  certain 
proportion  of  their  inmates  because  of  mental  defectiveness.  It  will 
be  seen  that  the  prison  is  no  place  for  the  feeble-minded  offender  any 


50  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

more  than  the  insane  hospital  is  the  place  for  a  normal  trans- 
gressor of  the  law.  The  problems  will  arise  in  more  acute  form  than 
ever  as  to  the  ultimate  disposition  of  the  offender  who  is  an  habitual 
offender,  though  not  of  normal  mind.  Not  only  will  the  prisons, 
the  reformatories,  the  jails,  the  reform  schools  and  the  courts  be 
forced  to  concern  themselves  with  these  problems,  but  the  problem 
will  force  itself  back  to  the  school  and  the  home. 

It  is  likely  to  be  shown  that  by  the  age  of  twelve  the  state  of  feeble- 
mindedness can  be  definitely  determined  by  the  psychologist  and  the 
psychiatrist.  Research  is  likely  to  show  the  indispensability  of  a 
complete  record  of  the  mental  condition  of  school  children.  Nowhere 
so  well  as  in  the  school  can  such  facts  be  established.  The  vista  of 
possibilities  is  long  and  wide.  The  student  of  criminology  finds 
himself  forced  further  and  further  back  toward  youth  and  childhood 
in  his  efforts  to  deal  with  the  delinquent  and  to  prevent  crime.  Not 
only  is  a  central  bureau  of  identification  of  all  convicted  criminals 
desirable,  but  far  more  desirable  is  a  complete  mental  and  physical 
record  of  all  children,  to  be  continued  at  least  until  they  reach  their 
majority. 

The  resources  of  psychology  and  psychiatry,  particularly  as  utilized 
at  the  state  school  for  the  feeble-minded  at  Vineland,  N.  J.,  have 
uncovered  secrets  of  heredity  in  connection  with 
An  the  strain  of  feeble-mindedness  running  through 

Illustration.  generations  which  are  indeed  horrible  to  contem- 
plate. It  has  been  shown  at  Vineland,  that  in 
the  case  of  a  feeble-minded  child,  attractive  in  appearance,  the  family 
of  the  child  could  be  traced  back  to  Revolutionary  times,  at  which 
time,  as  the  result  of  a  most  transitory  union  of  a  young  man  of  good 
family  with  a  prostitute  of  feeble  mind,  a  feeble-minded  child  was 
born.  The  father  of  this  child,  long  separated  from  the  mother  and 
probably  with  little  recollection  of  ever  having  known  her,  married 
a  healthy,  normal  wife.  From  these  two  lines  of  ancestors  have 
descended  two  families  in  the  state  of  New  Jersey,  one  fa-mily  often 
distinguished  by  its  representatives,  the  other  family  known  only  too 
often  in  prisons  and  poorhouses.  Of  396  members  of  what  we  might 
call  the  normal  family,  395  were  of  normal  mind.  On  the  other  side 
of  378  members  of  the  family  143  have  been  feeble-minded.  The 
curse  of  the  parent  has  been  visited  upon  this  family  in  a  measure 
almost  beyond  the  imagination. 

More  fearfully  still  is  the  fact  seemingly  established  that  feeble- 
mindedness is  a  strain  in  the  blood  that  runs  through  generations, 
cropping  out  here  and  there  as  the  subterranean  river  comes  now 
and  then  to  the  surface,  not  only  ruining  lives,  but  making  most 
costly  inroads  upon  the  finances  of  the  state  or  the  community.  In 
this  connection  the  well  known  history  of  the  "Jukes"  family  is 
recalled.  The  manuscripts  originally  prepared  by  R.  L.  Dugdale, 
one  of  the  members  of  the  board  of  managers  of  the  Prison  Associa- 
tion in  the  yo's,  were  recently  discovered  among  the  archives  of  the 
Association.  This  family  has  been  cited  for  thirty  years  as  a  classic 


AN  ILLUSTRATION.  51 

example  of  the  immense  cost  of  degeneracy  in  poverty  and  crime  and 
money  to  the  state  of  New  York.  It  has  been  estimated  that  over 
a  million  dollars  in  loss  has  been  entailed  besides  all  the  woe  of  crime 
and  poverty  through  generations  which  has  descended  from  the 
original  feeble-minded  ancestor  of  the  early  eighteenth  century. 

For  thirty  years  this  family,  located  in  one  of  the  rural  districts 
of  the  state  of  New  York,  and  with  ramifications  extending  through 
forty-two  different  families  and  embracing  in  all  nearly  900  persons, 
has  not  been  studied.  Through  the  discovery  of  the  original  drafts 
prepared  by  Mr.  Dugdale,  this  study  will  now  be  continued  by  the 
Carnegie  institute,  and  within  several  years  will  be  brought  down 
to  date,  undoubtedly  presenting  at  that  time  the  most  grannie  study 
and  proof  of  the  scourge  which  feeble-mindedness  and  degeneracy 
can  be  that  the  world  has  ever  known. 


PRISON  LABOR. 

THE  problem  of  the  utilization  of  the  labor  of  prisoners  in  a  manner 
which  shall  be  just  to  the  prisoner,  the  state  and  the  public,  is 
considered    by    many    the    most   important  and   complicated 
question  in  present-day  penology.     The  most  significant  fact  of  the  year 
has  been  perhaps  the  appointment  at  the  annual  meeting  of  the  Ameri- 
can prison  association  of  a  special  committee  of  the  association  to  report 
to  the  annual  meeting  in   1912  of  the  American  prison  association 
on  the  status  of  prison  labor  in  the  United  States,  and  to  make  recom- 
mendations looking  to  the  betterment  of  prison  labor  conditions  in 
various  parts  of  the  country. 

During  the  year  agitation  has  increased  in  many  states  for  the 
payment  to  the  dependent  families  of  prisoners  of  a  portion  of  their 
earnings,  it  being  unfortunately  only  assumed  in 
The  many  instances  that  the  prisoners  had  earned  a 

Demand.  sum  over  and  above  the  cost  of  maintenance. 
The  desires  of  the  critics  of  present  day  prison 
labor  are  easily  understood  and  phrased.  The  demand  is  that  pris- 
oners shall  be  employed  at  useful  occupations  which  not  only  shall 
train  prisoners  for  some  efficient  industrial  life  on  release  from  prison, 
but  shall  also  meet  not  only  the  cost  of  the  maintenance  of  prisoners, 
but  furnish  a  surplus,  a  part  of  which  shall  be  retained  for  the  prisoner 
and  a  part  of  which  shall  be  paid  to  the  dependent  families  of  prisoners. 
This  is  in  general  the  goal  which  penologists  as  well  as  the  general 
public  seek.  The  difficulties  of  administration  are  great  and  the 
delay  in  the  working  out  of  plans  is  so  lengthy  that  there  is  a  general 
and  increasing  impatience  of  which  the  special  committee  appointed 
at  the  meeting  of  the  American  prison  association  is  one  manifesta- 
tion. 

During  the  year  legislation  has  been  encouraging  in  a  number  of 

states.     "Although  no  state  legislatures  give  new  powers  of  leasing 

or  contracting  for  the  labor  of  prisoners,  and  one 

Progress          only,  Idaho,  extended  the  field  of  its  prison  leases, 

in  191 1.          twenty-one  states   made    some   provision   for  the 

states'    assumption    and    operation  of  industries. 

Eight  states  provided  in  some  manner  for  the  states'  consumption 

of  the  manufactured  articles,  and  six  states  established  laws  for  the 

regulation  of  prices   and   the  standardization  of  commodities.     Six 

states  provided  through  legislation  for  compensation  for  the  labor  of 

prisoners.     In  five  states  the  dependent  family  was  given  assistance 

through  legislation.     One  state,  Nevada,  gave  to  the  prisoner  the 

right  to  choose  between  working  on  the  roads  and  working  indoors. 

5* 


Shop,  Beggar  Colony,  Merxplas.  Belgium 


Shop.  Beggar  Colony.  Merxplas.  Belgium 


THE  NEW  YORK  SYSTEM.  53 

In  New  York  the  farm  and  industrial  colony  for  tramps  and  vagrants 
was  established.  Florida  met  the  peonage  issue  by  a  provision  for 
working  off  fines  during  imprisonment.  The  antagonism  of  organized 
labor  to  the  distribution  of  the  products  of  the  convict's  labor  on  the 
open  market  resulted  in  the  passage  in  three  states  of  laws  requiring 
the  branding  of  convict  made  goods."  ' 

As  an  example  of  the  most  modern  legislation  relating  to  prison 
labor  there  is  here  given  a  summary  of  prison  labor  legislation  in  New 
Jersey  in  191 1. 

"The  sale  on  the  open  market  of  the  products  of  convict  labor  of  any  state 
penal  institution  is  prohibited  after  the  expiration  of  existing  contracts.  A 

preferred  market  is  established  consisting  of  all  manu- 
In  facturable    articles   consumed    by   the    state   and    sub- 

New  Jersey.       divisions  thereof.     A  prison  labor  commission  is  created 

to  so   regulate   the   penal   industries   that   the   greatest 

amount  consumable  by  this  preferred  market  will  be  produced.  They  are  to 
publish  a  list  of  all  possible  articles  of  manufacture  and  grant  releases  when 
articles  cannot  be  supplied.  Penal  officers  are  required  to  keep  all  physically 
capable  convicts  employed,  not  to  exceed  nine  hours  a  day  except  Sunday 
and  holidays,  on  productive  work  or  in  receiving  industrial  and  scholastic 
instruction. 

"Yearly  budgets  are  to  be  sent  on  October  1st  to  the  commission  by  all  pur- 
chasing officials  in  the  state.  The  penal  institutions  are  to  report  fully  regard- 
ing ail  convict  labor  and  its  productive  power  together  with  the  cost  of  pro- 
duction. A  uniform  system  of  accounting  is  to  be  established,  together  with 
a  standardization  of  commodities  to  be  manufactured,  on  which  is  to  be  affixed 
a  fair  price.  Agricultural  pursuits  are  to  be  given  preference  and  the  products 
sold  as  above,  except  that  the  surplus  products  may  be  sold  at  advertised 
auction  to  the  general  public  once  in  six  months  unless  they  are  of  destructible 
character  and  require  more  immediate  sale.  Counties  and  municipalities  are 
to  conform  to  the  state  plan  but  may  employ  the  prisoners  for  their  own  use. 
Charitable  institutions  are  allowed  to  manufacture  for  their  own  use.  Prisoners' 
families  dependent  on  charity  are  relieved  by  the  commissioners  of  charities 
at  the  rate  of  fifty  cents  for  every  day  the  prisoner  works,  but  this  relief  fund 
is  limited  to  five  per  cent  of  the  value  of  all  goods  produced.  The  services 
of  charitable  societies  are  to  be  used  for  making  investigations  of  families. 
The  estimates  of  added  appropriations  needed  to  carry  this  into  effect  are 
to  be  included  in  annual  estimates.  The  commission  reports  to  the  governor."* 

In  the  state  of  New  York,  the  year  1911  has  been  especially  sig- 
nificant   because    of  the    investigation,    by    special    commissioners 
appointed  by  Governor  Dix,  of  the  industries  of  the 
The  New         state  prisons.     For  a  score  of  years  the  so-called 
York  System,     state  use  system  has  been  in  operation  in  this 
state.     This  system   provides,  in   brief,  that  no 
prison-made  goods  shall  be  sold  in  the  open  market,  thus  reducing 
the  competition  with  free  labor  to  an  indirect  competition,  in  that 

1  Prison  Labor  Legislation  in  1911,  Dr.  E.  S.  Whitin  in  The  Review,  September,  1911. 
*Dr.  E.  S.  Whitin,  in  The  Review,  September,  1911. 


54  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

the  prison-made  products  shall  by  law  be  sold  only  to  the  state 
and  its  political  subdivisions,  the  counties,  the  cities  and  the  towns, 
the  state  and  its  subdivisions  being  obligated  by  law  to  purchase  the 
prison-made  goods  at  prices  determined  by  a  special  board,  whenever 
the  articles  required  by  the  state  or  its  political  subdivisions  may  be 
manufactured  by  the  prisons.  The  word  "prisons"  in  this  connec- 
tion means  not  only  the  state  prisons,  but  the  reformatories  and  the 
county  and  city  institutions. 

Early  in  1911,  Governor  Dix  appointed  a  special  commission,  con- 
sisting of  William  Church  Osborn.and  George  E.  Van  Kennen,  to 
investigate  the  prison  industries.  In  the  summer  of  1911,  Mr.  Van 
Kennen  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  conservation  commission, 
and  John  D.  McMahon  was  added  to  the  special  commission  for  the 
investigation  of  prisons.  This  commission  was  engaged  in  this  task 
during  practically  the  entire  year,  and  late  in  December,  1911,  pub- 
lished their  final  and  most  extended  report. 

This  report  is  a  severe  arraignment  of  the  prison  industries  as 
they  have  been  managed.  We  quote  portions  of  the  most  important 
sections  of  the  report: 

"Our  investigation  shows  a  riot  of  management,  waste  and  wrong  doing. 
Of  a  possible  market  to  the  state  and  municipal  departments  of  not  less  than 
$20,000,000  per  annum,  the  prison  industries  with  the  free  labor  of  4400  men 
and  no  overhead  charges,  except  supervision,  have  supplied  less  than  $1,000,000 
per  annum.  With  an  ample  field  for  labor,  prison  industry  has  paid  only 
15^  per  cent  of  the  cost  of  prisoners'  maintenance.  The  failure  to  fill  the  orders 
open  to  prison  industries  keeps  a  third  of  the  prisoners  in  idleness.  . 
We  believe  that  the  prison  industries  must  continue  to  be  unsatisfactory  until  the 
more  profitable  industries  are  extended  and  additional  facilities  are  provided 
for  the  employment  of  the  idle  convict  population  and  the  work  of  each  convict 
is  so  arranged  under  the  present  statutory  conditions  that  his  efforts  will  be 
of  the  highest  efficiency  from  the  point  of  view  of  production. 

"As  usual  in  such  cases,  wrong  doing  has  gone  hand  in  hand  with  mismanage 
ment  and  waste.     Thus,  the  superintendent  of  industries  at  Sing  Sing  uni- 
formly violated   the   law   by   opening   bids   in   private, 
Mismanagement    communicating   the   contents   to    favored    bidders   and 
and  Waste.         relaxing    the    specifications  in  their  interest.     He  has 
diverted  to  the  industries  money  appropriated  for  main- 
tenance,  the  warden   concurring.     .     .     .     He   and   others  have   repeatedly 
used  prison  labor  and  prison  material  for  private  purposes.     .     .     . 

"We  conclude  that  the  prison  industries  have  not  had  a  fair  chance  in  this 
state.  If  managed  under  the  superintendent  of  prisons  by  such  a  man  as  would 
ordinarily  be  employed  to  conduct  a  business  of  $5,000,000,  to  $10,000,000, 
they  would  give  better  results.  It  is  possible  that  they  would  make  the  prison 
system  self  supporting.  .  .  . 

"The  commissioners  find  and  report  that  the  greatest  source  of  criticism 
and  censure  in  the  department  of  state  prisons,  apart  from  specific  instances 
of  corruption,  lies  in  the  management  and  control  of  the  prison1  industries. 
Neither  the  spirit  nor  the  letter  of  the  law  applicable  thereto  has  been  observed; 
the  immense  economic  possibilities  have  been  neglected;  and  the  entire  manage- 
ment of  that  part  of  the  department  which  is  basic  to  our  present  .prison  system 


FURTHER  FINDINGS.  55 

has  been  palpably  lacking  in  the  acumen  and  energy  essential  to  a  successful 
business  administration.     .     .     . 

"Your  commissioners  find  that  the  conditions  in  this  state  arc  peculiarly 
favorable  to  the  profitable  operation  of  prison  industries.  By  statute  the  prisons 
are  given  certain  economic  advantages  over  smaller  industries  operated  in  the 
open  market  at  a  profit  to  the  manufacturer.  .  .  .  Not  only  is  the  avail- 
able market  constant  and  certain,  but  we  find  that  it  is  of  sufficient  magnitude 
to  consume  an  output  many  times  the  amount  now  purchased  by  prison 
industries.  The  expenditures  for  supplies  for  the  city  of  New  York  alone, 
exclusive  of  such  items  as  coal,  foodstuffs,  forage,  horses,  etc.,  aggregate 
$16,000,000  annually.  The  salesof  the  state  prisons  in  the  entire  state  amount 
each  year  to  about  $900,000.  Labor  is  practically  free.  By  statute  the  price 
of  the  manufactured  article  is  maintained  at  the  market  price  and  the  earnings 
bear  no  charges  for  depreciation  of  plant,  taxes,  rentals  or  interest.  Not- 
withstanding these  advantages  confirmed  by  statute,  the  prisons  fall  far  short 
of  being  self  supporting.  The  penal  institutions  for  the  fiscal  year  ending 
September  30,  1910,  cost  the  state  of  New  York  approximately  $2,000,000; 
and  for  the  last  fiscal  year  the  profits  on  the  sale  of  prison-made  goods  over  and 
above  the  bare  cost  of  materials  and  supervision,  were  $158,000.  The  average 
profit  so  obtained  during  the  period  between  the  years  1890  and  1900  was  i8§ 
per  cent  of  the  amount  required  to  maintain  the  prisoners,  exclusive  of 
expenditures  for  new  construction  and  betterment.  In  the  period  between 
1900  and  1910  this  percentage  fell  to  15^  per  cent.  To  support  themselves, 
without*  contributing  anything  to  the  treasury  of  the  state,  there  would  be 
required  a  six-fold  increase  in  the  productiveness  of  the  work  of  the  convict 
population.  .  .  . 

"One  cause  for  the  failure  of  the  prison  industries  to  operate  at  a  greater 
profit  to  the  state  arises  from  the  fact  that  in  the  management  of  these  industries 
the  output  has  not  been  shaped  to  the  demands  of  the  market.  The  demand 
for  furniture,  clothing  and  cloth,  blankets,  shoes  and  knit  wear  far  exceeds 
the  supply  which  the  shops  in  their  present  state  can  produce.  Other  shops 
are  operated  to  manufacture  articles  in  much  less  demand." 

The  report  continues,  covering  in  detail  the  following  topics  among 
others: 

Illegal  use  of  convict  labor  at  Sing  Sing;  extravagant  and  unneces- 
sary and  improvident  purchases  at  Sing  Sing;  improvident  contract 
at  Clinton  prison;  diversion  and  misuse  of  appropriations  at  Sing 
Sing;  misappropriation  of  state  property  at  Sing  Sing;  misuse  of  state 
property  at  Clinton  prison;  neglect  of  duty;  extravagant,  improper 
and  illegal  charges  for  expenses;  improper  methods  of  purchasing 
material  for  industrial  department  of  prison,  etc. 

Under  the  general  heading  of  discipline,  the  commission  points 

out  that  conditions  of  discipline  have  been  found  at  Clinton  ana  Sing 

Sing  prisons  to  be  incredibly  lax,  being  the  direct 

Further  cause  of  the  many  murderous  assaults  and  the 

Findings.          revolting    crimes    which    have    occurred    at    the 

institutions  mentioned.  The  commission  also  made 

an  analysis  of  the  construction  to  date  of  the  Great  Meadow  prison, 

finding  in  certain  cases  negligence  in  construction.      I  he  commis- 


56  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

sion  further  stated  its  opinion  that  the  site  chosen  by  the  commission 
on  new  prisons  at  Wingdale  for  a  new  prison  is  restricted  practically 
to  the  use  of  about  100  acres  which  are  seriously  interfered  with  by 
the  proximity  of  the  Harlem  division  of  the  New  York  Central  rail- 
road, and  by  the  proposed  state  highway;  that  the  water  supply  is 
questionable  in  quantity  and  that  the  proximity  of  the  swamp  renders 
the  hygienic  conditions  of  doubtful  character.  For  these  and  a  number 
of  other  reasons  the  commission  recommends  the  abandoning  of  this 
site  and  a  reconstruction  of  the  general  scheme  of  prison  accom- 
modations. In  closing  the  commission  states: 

"That  as  the  evidence  of  our  examination  has  indicated  that  there 
has  been  a  constant  defiance  of  the  statutes  and  frequent  violations 
of  the  penal  law,  we  recommend  that  this  report  be  submitted  to 
the  consideration  of  the  attorney-general." 

That  the  foregoing  paragraphs  contain  a  severe  arraignment  of 
the  former  administration  of  the  state  prisons  no  one  can  doubt. 
The  resignation  of  the  fofmer  superintendent  of 
The  Future.  state  prisons,  Mr.  Cornelius  Y.  Collins,  in  the 
spring  of  191 1,  several  months  after  his  resig- 
nation had  been  asked  for  by  the  governor,  and  without  waiting 
to  meet  the  charges  which  were  being  brought  against  him 
by  the  special  commission,  accentuated  the  belief  in  the  public 
mind  that  the  prisons  have  been  administered  with  a  most 
deplorable  negligence.  Governor  Dix  shortly  appointed  as  super- 
intendent of  state  prisons  Mr.  Joseph  F.  Scott,  at  that  time  superin- 
tendent of  Elmira  reformatory.  Mr.  Scott's  long  record  for  efficiency 
in  the  reformatory  treatment  of  prisoners  and  his  reputation  ior  hon- 
esty led  the  Prison  Association  strongly  to  endorse  his  candidacy  for 
the  position  of  superintendent  of  state  prisons.  Mr.  Scott's  adminis- 
tration has  been,  we  understand,  one  of  quiet  but  persistent  reor- 
ganization of  the  prison  department.  The  disastrous  experiences  in 
this  department,  as  outlined  above,  running  through  years  and  often 
permeated,  according  to  general  report,  with  baleful  political  influences 
leads  the  Association  to  raise  the  question  whether  the  present  method 
of  administering  prisons  by  a  superintendent  of  state  prisons  who 
appoints  the  wardens,  who  in  turn  appoint  their  subordinate  officers, 
is  the  most  efficient  method  of  managing  the  prisons.  Other  cor- 
rectional institutions  in  the  state  are  managed  by  separate  boards  of 
managers,  with  the  exception  that  the  state  reformatory  at  Napanoch 
is  under  the  management  of  the  board  of  managers  of  Elmira  reform- 
atory. There  is  no  reason  why  in  case  of  an  incompetent  superintendent 
of  prisons  the  history  of  recent  years  should  not  repeat  itself.  Safety 
in  this  regard  depends  very  largely  upon  the  character  of  the  super- 
intendent. Political  influences  bear  with  greater  or  less  force  upon 
the  superintendent  of  prisons.  It  has  in  general  been  found  that 
political  influences  are  far  less  likely  to  prove  successful  with  a  board 
of  managers.  While  the  Prison  Association  of  New  York  does  not 
commit  itself  to  the  proposition  that  the  state  prisons  should  be  man- 
aged each  by  its  own  board  of  managers,  it  raises  this  question  as  a 


IN  NEW  YORK   CITY. 


57 


result  of  the  costly  and  deplorable  experiences  in  the  prison  depart- 
ment during  recent  years. 

In  this  connection  the  Association  urges  in  no  uncertain  manner 
that  the  attorney-general  of  the  state  give  careful  attention  to  the 
cases  of  all  persons  in  the  prison  department  whose  actions,  as  shown 
by  the  investigations  of  the  special  commission,  have  been  deliberately 
in  violation  of  the  penal  law  of  the  state  of  New  York.  It  would 
be  fully  as  deplorable  on  the  part  of  the  state  to  permit  such  viola- 
tions of  the  penal  law  to  go  unpunished  as  the  state  has  shown  the 
violations  themselves  to  be  deplorable. 

In  dealing  thus  at  considerable  length  in  this  chapter  on  prison 
labor  with  the  exposures  presented  by  the  commissioners,  we  have 
not  wandered  from  the  subject  in  hand.  Prison  labor  can  be  suc- 
cessfully operated  only  by  strict  observance  of  the  laws  of  the  state. 
Prison  management  of  the  industries  of  correctional  institutions  is 
in  large  measure  chaotic.  Releases  allowing  goods  to  be  purchased 
in  the  open  market  seem  often  to  be  signed  without  the  knowledge 
on  the  part  of  the  authorities  who  sign  such  releases  of  the  stock  on 
hand,  or  of  the  means  of  delivery.  In  point  of  fact,  should  all  pro- 
posed purchases  of  supplies  by  the  state  and  its  political  subdivisions, 
which  are  made  by  the  prisons,  be  undertaken  only  after  releases 
have  been  signed  by  those  authorized  so  to  sign,  the  number  of  re- 
leases alone  would  occupy  the  attention  of  the  proper  authority  or 
authorities  to  a  prohibitive  extent.  What  is  obviously  needed  in 
this  state  is  a  thorough  study  of  the  prison  industries,  witn  the  present 
study  of  the  special  commissioners  as  a  basis.  This  suggested  study 
should  present  a  comprehensive  plan  for  the  reorganization  and 
administration  of  the  present  industries  not  only  of  the  state  prisons, 
but  of  the  reformatories  and  all  county  and  city  correctional  insti- 
tutions. 

In  the  city  of  New  York  the  penitentiary  on  Blackwcll's  Island, 

with  a  market  in  the  city  of  New  York  of  perhaps  several  million 

dollars  a  year,   manufactures  articles  of  a   total 

In  value  somewhat  over  $100,000  annually.     If  the 

New  York         penitentiary  on  Blackwcll's  Island  manufactured 

City.  school   desks,   chairs,   riling  cabinets,   bookcases, 

tables  and  other  common  articles  of  furniture,  it 

would  be  mandatory  upon  the  city  to  purchase  such  articles  from  the 

penitentiary  or  from  some  other  correctional  institution.     No  stronger 

illustration  is  needed  of  the  inadequacy  of  our  present  prison  labor 

system  in  the  state  than  the  above  fact.     On  the  other  hand,  this 

Association  still  believes  that  the  state  use  system  may  after  thorough 

study  prove  to  be,  in  the  hands  of  competent  administrators,  the 

most  efficient  system  of  prison  labor  that  could  be  devised. 

In  this  connection  the  Association  urges  upon  the  state  of  New 
York  a  comprehensive  study  of  the  prison  industries,  not  primarily 
for  the  purpose  of  discovering  irregularities  of  administration,  but 
primarily  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  sufficient  data  and  of  present- 
ing a  comprehensive  plan  of  administration  of  such  industries. 


58  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

The  Prison  Association  further  urges  upon  the  city  of  New  York 
a  similar  study  of  the  prison  industries  of  the  city  of  New  York,  with 
a  view  to  developing  to  the  maximum  extent  the  industries  of  the  cor- 
rectional institutions  of  the  city  of  New  York,  to  the  end  that  the  city 
department  may  be,  so  far  as  possible,  supplied  by  the  products  of 
the  industries  of  the  city  prisons. 

The  county  penitentiary  situation  as  regards  prison  labor  has 
offered  encouraging  signs  during  the  year.  There  has  been  the  cus- 
tomary activity  at  the  New  York  county  peniten- 
The  County  tiary,  which  is  the  only  penitentiary  in  the  state 
Situation.  of  which  this  can  be  said.  In  the  case  of  the 
Onondaga  county  penitentiary  an  investigation  of 
the  winter  industries  of  that  institution  by  the  prison  commission,  with 
the  cooperation  of  the  national  committeeonprisonlaborandtheprison 
association,  resulted,  in  1911,  in  the  prohibition  of  the  continuation 
of  the  willow  stripping  industry,  which  had  been  conducted  in  violation 
of  the  prison  law  relating  to  the  manufacture  of  products  for  the  open 
market.  During  the  fall  of  191 1  some  of  the  inmates  of  the  Onondaga 
county  penitentiary  were  worked  upon  a  road  at  some  distance  from 
the  penitentiary,  with  a  view  of  testing  the  feasibility  of  road  work 
for  county  prisoners.  This  work  has  not  yet  gone  beyond  an 
experimental  stage.  The  necessity  of  providing  lawful  and  productive 
work  for  the  inmates  of  county  penitentiaries  has  been  emphasized 
by  the  necessary  prohibition  of  the  willow  stripping  industry  at  the 
Onondaga  county  penitentiary,  and  by  the  emphatic  reports  of  Com- 
missioner Frank  E.  Wade,  regarding  idleness  in  the  Erie  county  peni- 
tentiary and  in  the  Albany  county  penitentiary. 

The  Prison  Association  repeats  once  more  its  belief  that  the  state 
needs  to  conduct  a  comprehensive  survey  of  its  prison  industries,  not 
alone  in  state,  but  also  in  county  and  municipal  institutions,  and 
that  one  of  the  fundamental  needs  of  the  state  is  a  comprehensive 
plan  for  the  development  and  coordination  of  the  prison  industries. 


LEGISLATION,  FINANCES,    ETC. 

THE  most  important  bill  passed  by  the  legislature  of  1911  along 
correctional  lines  was  the  so-called  tramp  colony  bill,  which 
provides 

(Chapter  812)  for  a  state  industrial  farm  colony  for  the  detention, 
humane  discipline,  instruction  and  reformation  of  male 
Legislation.  adults  committed  thereto  as  tramps  or  vagrants.  This 
is  the  bill  discussed  on  page  41  . 

Other  bills  of  importance  that  became  law  were  the  following: 

(Chapter  700)  "An  act  to  amend  the  general  municipal  law  and  the  penal 
law,  in  relation  to  the  treatment  of  public  intoxication  and  inebriety."  This 
bill  extends  to  all  cities  of  the  first  class  and  second  class  the  authorization  to 
establish  boards  of  inebriety. 

(Chapter  192)  "An  act  to  amend  the  penal  law,  in  relation  to  the  sale  and 
carrying  of  dangerous  weapons."  Increases  the  number  of  weapons  specifi- 
cally designated  as  dangerous;  makes  it  a  misdemeanor  to  have  in  one's  pos- 
session firearms  that  may  be  concealed  about  the  person,  and  a  felony  to  carry 
them  concealed. 

(Chapter  689)  "An  act  to  amend  the  code  of  criminal  procedure,  in  relation 
to  the  commitment  of  vagrants  to  almshouses."  Prohibits  the  commitments 
of  vagrants  to  almshouses  and  requires  their  commitment  to  the  county  jail. 

The  legislature  failed  to  pass  several  important  bills,  among  them 
those  providing  for  the  establishment  of  a  state  reformatory  for  mis- 
demeanants, for  increased  facilities  at  the  Hudson  state  training  school 
for  girls,  for  the  extension  of  prison  industries  in  the  county  peniten- 
tiaries, for  the  payment  of  earnings  to  prisoners  in  county  peniten- 
tiaries, and  for  the  enlargement  of  the  state  probation  commission 
as  the  state  parole  and  probation  commission. 

Undesirable  bills  were  introduced,  and  did  not  pass,  providing  for 
the  abolition  of  the  state  parole  board  and  the  substitution  therefor 
of  a  supervisor  of  parole;  for  the  election  of  magistrates  in  New  York 
city  instead  of  the  appointment  of  magistrates  by  the  Mayor;  for 
the  appointment  of  eight  male  probation  officers  in  the  court  of  gen- 
eral sessions,  New  York  county,  on  denominational  lines;  for  the 
exemption  of  the  county  almshouses  from  the  provisions  of  the  prison 
law  requiring  the  purchase  of  prison-made  goods. 

The  temporary  abandonment  of  the  construction  of  the  new  prison 

which  was  to  be  erected  at  Wingdale  on  the  Harlem  division  of  the 

New  York  central  railroad  about  seventy  miles 

The  Problem     from  New  York  was  caused  by  the  dissatisfaction 

of  Sing  Sing,  found  by  Governor  Dix  and  his  advisors  with  the 
site  chosen  by  the  commission  on  new  prisons. 

William  Church  Osborn  reported  to  the  Governor  "that  the  cosi 

59 


6o  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

to  the  state  of  the  abandonment  of  the  site  would  be  negligible  com- 
pared with  the  permanent  injury  in  spending  $3,000,000  on  a  wholly 
improper  location."  The  legality  of  abandoning  this  site  has  been 
questioned  and  will,  it  is  reported,  be  submitted  to  the  legislature  of 
1912  for  consideration.  Meanwhile  the  prison  department  has  urged 
that  there  be  a  thorough  renovation  of  Sing  Sing  prison  through  the 
reconstruction  of  the  old  cell-block  for  factory  purposes  and  through 
the  construction  of  an  entirely  new  cell  block  which  would  accom- 
modate probably  about  1200  persons.  The  cost  of  the  work  of  re- 
construction at  Sing  Sing  would  be,  it  is  estimated,  perhaps  a  million 
and  a  half  dollars  less  than  the  ultimate  cost  of  a  new  prison  at  Wing- 
dale. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  are  not  a  few  persons  who  believe  that 
the  Wingdale  site  might  be  used  with  profit  to  the  state  and  that  it 
is  in  most  respects  a  satisfactory  site.  The  arguments  pro  and  con 
will  undoubtedly  be  presented  with  considerable  force  during  the 
legislative  period  of  1912.  The  Prison  Association  will  give  its  atten- 
tion at  the  proper  time  to  this  very  important  matter,  being  keenly 
aware  of  the  very  unfortunate  conditions  under  which  prisoners  have 
been  lodged  at  Sing  Sing  for  many  years,  and  aware  also  of  -the 
great  necessity  of  providing  adequate  accommodations  for  our 
state  prisoners. 

In  our  last  annual  report  we  stated  that  the  present  annual  report 

would  contain  a  somewhat  exhaustive  study  of  the  post  reformatory 

period   of  Elmira   inmates.     The   preparation   of 

The  this  study  we  have  been  obliged  to  postpone  be- 

Elmira  cause  of  the  general   secretary's   trip   to   Europe 

Study.  in  the  summer  and  the  preparation  of  the  present 

annual    report    as    its    result.     We    hope    in    our 

report  for  1912  to  present  an  interesting  and  detailed  study  of  the 

above  mentioned  subject. 

An  important  part  of  the  work  of  the  general  secretary  of  the  Asso- 
ciation is  to  secure  so  far  as  possible  the  presentation  before  public 
and  private  bodies  of  the  correctional  problems 
Conferences       and  needs  of  this  state.     It  is  the  policy  of  the 
and  Prison  Association  that  no  national,  state  or  city 

Meetings.  conference  shall  pass  without  there  appearing 
upon  the  program  important  papers  by  distin- 
guished specialists  on  the  treatment  of  delinquency.  The  Associa- 
tion has  also,  particularly  through  its  committee  on  defective  delin- 
quents and  through  the  Barrows  League,  developed  a  strong  coop- 
eration with  representatives  not  only  of  the  business  world,  but  also 
of  the  leading  charitable  and  correctional  organizations  of  the  state. 
During  the  year  members  of  the  Association  or  of  its  committees 
have  furthered  the  development  of  the  city  conference  of  charities 
and  correction,  and  have  assisted  at  the  conference  held  on  May  12 
and  13  at  Columbia  university,  on  the  reform  of  the  criminal  law  and 
procedure.  At  that  time,  a  New  York  branch  of  the  American 
institute  of  criminal  law  and  criminology  was  organized,  the  president 


FINANCES.  61 

and  the  secretary  of  the  national  branch  being  connected  officially 
with  the  New  York  Prison  Association. 

At  the  National  conference  of  charities  and  correction  in  June 
the  general  secretary  of  the  Association  presented  a  report  as  the 
chairman  of  the  committee  on  law-breakers.  The  section  meetings 
of  the  committee  on  law-breakers  were  given  over  to  the  discussion 
of  mental  defectives  and  delinquents,  the  treatment  of  misdemeanants, 
family  desertion  laws  and  the  development  of  systems  of  probation 
and  parole. 

The  president  and  the  general  secretary  of  the  Prison  Association 
represented  the  Association  at  the  annual  meeting  of  the  American 
prison  association  at  Omaha  in  October.  The  Association  was 
also  represented  at  the  state  conference  of  magistrates  held  in 
Albany  in  December  and  as  a  result  of  discussion  at  that  conference 
the  Prison  Association  called  an  important  conference,  mentioned 
on  page  13,  which  met  on  December  22,  191 1,  and  adopted  far  reach- 
ing resolutions  regarding  the  development  of  correctional  work  in 
this  state. 

The  Barrows  League,  of  which  our  last  annual  report  made  men- 
tion, has  continued  to  meet  at  times  during  1911  at  the  rooms  of  the 
Prison  Association.  This  is  a  body  of  some  fifty 
The  men  in  business  and  professional  life  who  are 

Barrows  actuated  by  a  strong  desire  to  help  released  and 
League.  discharged  prisoners  in  the  most  effective  way. 

The  staff  of  the  Prison  Association,  and  particu- 
larly the  parole  bureau,  has  received  frequent  valuable  assistance 
from  many  of  the  members  of  the  Barrows  League.  The  Asso- 
ciation has  gladly  given  its  rooms  for  evening  meetings  to  the  Barrows 
League  and  was  glad  during  the  year  to  welcome  also  an  important 
meeting  of  the  Big  Brothers  movement. 

The  committee  on  defective  delinquents  held  at  the  rooms  of  the 
Prison  Association,  in  December,  a  public  meeting  which  was  ad- 
dressed by  Dr.  Henry  H.  Goddard,  director  of  research  of  the  train- 
ing school  for  backward  and  feeble-minded  children  at  Vineland, 
N.  J.,  and  by  Miss  Eli/abeth  Farrell,  inspector  of  ungraded  classes 
of  the  New  York  city  department  of  education.  Under  the  chair- 
manship of  Dr.  Hastings  H.  Hart  of  the  Russell  Sage  Foundation, 
it  is  expected  that  the  work  of  the  committee  in  1912  will  be  even 
more  effective  than  during  1911. 

During  the  spring  the  Prison  Association  also  entertained  on  one 
evening  the  Monday  Club,  a  group  of  social  workers. 

The  year  has  brought  us  considerable  satisfaction  from  a  financial 

standpoint.     Our  receipts  during   1911   were  $27,649  as  compared 

with  $21,051   in   1910.     The  sum  mentioned  for 

Finances.          1911  includes  two  small  items  which  fall  within 

neither  donations  nor  interest,  one  of  $364  being 

"funds  held  in  trust"  and  the  other,  $290  transferred  from  the  reserve 

fund.     The    net   increase    in    donations    and    interest   during    1911, 

amounted  to  approximately  $6,000.     Our  expenditures  during  the 


62  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

same  period  were  $27,756  or,  deducting  the  item  of  "funds  held 
in  trust,"  approximately  $27,000,  an,  increase  in  expenditures  over 
1910  of  approximately  $6,500. 

That  our  endowment  fund  in  two  years  has  increased  from  $9,108 
to  $69,087  is  a  source  of  great  pleasure  to  us.  Had  it  not  been  for 
the  very  stimulating  influence  of  the  late  Mr.  Smith  Ely's  promise  of 
$27,500  toward  the  endowment  fund  in  case -this  Association  could 
raise  a  similar  amount  from  other  contributors,  we  should  not  have 
succeeded  in  placing  the  Association  upon  its  present  financial  basis. 
Yet  we  know  how  far  short  we  fall  of  the  work  which  the  crime  and 
prison  conditions  of  this  state  call  upon  us  to  do.  It  is  our  earnest 
hope  that  we  may  within  the  next  few  years  continue  to  increase 
our  contributions  by  several  thousand  dollars  each  year  and  that  the 
period  is  not  far  off  when  we  may  continue  the  work  of  the  Associa- 
tion on  a  budget  of  $50,000  each  year,  a  sum  which  is  not  at  all 
large  for  the  amount  of  need  and  misery  of  which  we  are  cognizant. 
During  the  year  the  Association  has  initiated  a  century  fund  with 
the  idea  that  there  are  in  this  city  a  number  of  persons  of  means 
who  would  willingly  promise  their  support  to  the 
The  Association  to  the  extent  of  $100  or  more  each 

Century  year.     During  1911  we  have  received  from  this 

Fund.  special    fund,   which    is    devoted    to   the   general 

purposes  of  the  Association  the  following  contri- 
butions, for  which  we  make  grateful  acknowledgment. 

Francis  Lynde  Stetson $200 

Lloyd  W.  Seaman 100 

George  S.  Bowdoin 250 

Miss  Alice  E.  Strong 100 

James  A.  Hearn  &  Son 100 

Felix  M.  Warburg 100 

Alfred  M.  Heinsheimer 50 

Miss  Catherine  Bliss . .                               100 


£rnrn 


THE  STATISTICS  OF  CRIME' 

AT  the  international  prison  congress  held  at  Washington  last  year 
the  foreign  delegates,  while  they  seemed  favorably  impressed  by 
most  of  our  institutions,  twere  outspoken  in  condemnation  of 
our  county  jails  and  our  criminal  statistics.  They  could  not  repress 
their  amazement  at  the  dearth  of  official  statistics  regard  ing  crime  in  the 
United  States.  Possibly  it  may  be  doubted  whether  any  ofthe  novelties 
they  observed  here  produced  on  their  minds  so  lasting  and  injurious 
an  impression  of  this  country,  regarded  from  the  point  of  view  of 
scientific  penology,  as  that  caused  by  the  meagreness  and  practical 
inutility  of  our  criminal  statistics.  It  must  be  freely  admitted  that 
the  English  and  some  of  the  continental  statistics  of  crime  are  far 
in  advance  of  our  own  in  comprehensiveness,  in  method  and  in 
scientific  value. 

But  the  inadequacy  of  the  criminal  statistics  of  the  United  States 
is  largely  owing  to  a  condition  which  does  not  exist  in  England  or 
hardly  on  the  Continent.  We  are  confronted  with  difficulties  that 
are  practically  unknown  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic,  —  difficulties 
inherent  in  the  dual  system  of  government  existing  in  this  country. 
In  the  division  of  sovereignty  between  the  federal  government  and 
the  states,  the  treatment  of  crime  falls  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
states.  Congress,  it  is  true,  acting  within  the  limits  closely  defined 
in  the  constitution,  has  the  power  to  declare  certain  acts  which  are 
injurious  to  the  nation  to  be  crimes.  Thus  there  is  a  federal  criminal 
code,  violations  of  which  are  within  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the 
federal  courts.  But  these  crimes  are  only  those  that  bear  relation 
to  the  central  government;  they  are  comparatively  few  in  number. 

The  vast  volume  of  crime  in  this  country  comes  under  the  exclusive 
jurisdiction  of  the  separate  states.  The  establishment  of  police  and 
constabulary  forces,  the  detection  and  arrest  of  offenders,  the  trial 
and  sentencing  of  criminals,  the  administration  of  prisons,  all  are 
included  within  the  functions  of  the  states.  The  rules  and  regula- 
tions governing  the  police,  the  courts,  the  prisons,  all  the  details  of 
their  administration  and  of  their  records  are  thus  matters  of  state 
jurisdiction.  And  in  those  matters  that  fall  within  the  jurisdiction 
ofthe  states,  the  states  have  absolute  sovereignty;  the  federal  govern- 
ment is  as  powerless  to  direct  or  in  any  manner  to  interfere  with  the 
action  of  the  state  in  the  lawful  exercise  of  its  exclusive  jurisdiction, 
as  the  state  is  powerless  to  obstruct  the  federal  government  in  the 
exercise  of  its  exclusive  jurisdiction.  It  is  only  when  the  action 
of  the  state  infringes  upon  the  federal  constitution  that  it  becomes 
subject  to  any  coercion  by  the  central  government. 

'Addre**  of  Eugene  Smith,  President  of  Prison  Association  of  New  York,  at  American 
Prison  Association,  Omaha,  Nrb.,  October,  1911. 


64  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

All  that  the  federal  census  bureau  attempted  in  the  direction  of 
criminal  statistics,  prior  to  the  year  1904,  related  simply  to  prisoners 
in  actual  confinement  in  prisons.  The  federal  agents  were  able  to 
count  these  prisoners  and  to  distinguish  between  the  male  and  the 
female  and  the  white  and  the  colored,  without  any  aid  from  the  states; 
but,  as  to  every  other  item  regarding  the  prisoners,  the  United  States 
census  was  necessarily  nothing  but  a  transcript  from  the  prison 
records.  In  1904,  the  Census  for  the  first  time  enlarged  its  scope  by 
gathering  statistics  relating  to  persons  committed  for  crime  during 
that  calendar  year.  In  this  new  departure,  the  census  bureau  was 
entirely  limited  to  an  examination  of  the  books  and  records  kept  in 
the  prisons.  The  extent  and  the  value  of  any  criminal  statistics  that 
have  been,  or  that  can  possibly  be,  collected  by  the  federal  government 
are  necessarily  measured  by  the  completeness  and  accuracy  of  the 
books  and  records  maintained  by  state  institutions;  but,  since  these 
books  and  records  are  under  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the  states, 
the  federal  authorities  have  no  power  to  direct  or  to  supervise  in  any 
manner  the  system  by  which  the  records  shall  be  kept;  they  have 
simply  the  power  of  inspection  and  transcription. 

The  constitution  empowers  the  federal  government  to  make  only 
a  decennial  "enumeration"  of  the  persons  within  the  United  States. 
This  gives  the  implied  power  to  restrain  the  states  from  preventing 
or  interfering  with  such  enumeration  but  it  extends  no  further;  it 
certainly  confers  no  power  on  the  central  government  to  direct  or 
compel  the  states  to  keep  records  of  their  own  affairs  in  any  pre- 
scribed form  or  to  keep  any  records  at  all. 

The  contrast,  therefore,  between  the  authority  of  our  federal  gov- 
ernment and  the  authority  of  European  nations  in  compiling  criminal 
statistics  is  most  marked.  In  Europe,  the  sovereign  power  in  each 
nation  can  prescribe  the  uniform  system  upon  which  all  public  records 
shall  be  kept,  the  data  which  they  shall  embody  and  the  manner  in 
which  these  data  shall  be  collected  and  verified  and  can  enforce 
obedience  to  its  requirements  by  every  official  and  every  institution 
within  the  national  boundaries.  In  the  United  States,  on  the  con- 
trary, the  central  government  can  gather  only  data  over  the  collec- 
tion and  verification  of  which  it  has  no  control. 

State  records,  so  far  as  they  contain  matter  available  for  the  com- 
pilation of  criminal  statistics,  are  now  woefully  imperfect  —  imper- 
fect in  two  main  particulars.  First,  imperfect  because  they  are 
kept  in  a  careless  and  perfunctory  manner  and  without  pains  to  verify 
the  accuracy  of  entries  made  in  them;  secondly,  imperfect,  especially 
for  purposes  of  comparison  between  records  of  different  states, 
because  they  are  not  constructed  upon  any  comprehensive  and  uniform 
plan. 

Every  court,  every  prison,  the  police  of  every  city  in  every  state, 
is  a  separate  institution  maintaining  its  records  upon  its  own  individual 
plan,  without  much  serious  effort  to  assimilate  its  plan  to  that  of 
other  like  institutions  even  within  its  own  state.  Certain  entries  are 


THE  STATISTICS  OK  CRIME.  65 

made  regarding  each  person  convicted  of  crime,  based  mainly  upon 
the  answer  given  by  the  convict  himself  to  questions  put  to  him. 

Is  he  a  native  of  this  country  or  of  foreign  birth  ?  Doubtless  many 
an  immigrant,  in  fear  of  deportation  or  under  the  impression  that 
natives  may  receive  more  clement  treatment,  falsely  declares  that  he 
was  born  in  the  United  States,  and  so  he  is  numbered  statistically 
among  the  native  born.  What  is  his  age  ?  It  is  of  advantage  to  an 
offender  to  be  under  twenty-one  years  of  age  that  he  may  enjoy  the 
benefit  of  that  tenderness  of  spirit  which  the  law  exhibits  towards 
minors;  it  is  of  advantage  to  be  under  the  age  of  thirty  years  in  the 
states  that  have  a  reformatory  to  which  only  those  under  thirty  years 
of  age  can  be  sentenced,  unless  indeed  the  offender  prefers  confine- 
ment in  a  state  prison  to  the  strenuous  life  of  the  reformatory.  The 
inducement  is  strong  to  state  the  age  falsely.  Is  he  married  or  single  : 
If  the  offender  is  living  in  circumstances  that  are  scandalous  because 
he  is  unmarried,  he  is  apt  to  find  no  difficulty  in  stating  that  he  is 
"  married."  Has  he  ever  been  divorced  ?  If  he  has  been,  the  tempta- 
tion is  great  to  avoid  embarrassing  explanation.  In  these  cases  and 
all  similar  ones,  statements  made  by  the  offender  himself  have  very 
slight  statistical  value;  they  come  from  an  interested  and  untrust- 
worthy witness.  Every  reasonable  effort  should  be  made,  either 
before  the  trial  or  after  conviction,  to  gain  from  sources,  outside  the 
offender  himself,  all  available  information  regarding  his  previous 
career,  his  environment,  his  habits  of  life  and  associations,  and 
especially  to  verify  all  such  items  as  enter  into  the  statistical  record. 
Until  this  is  done,  the  classifications  of  prisoners  contained  in  our 
criminal  statistics  stating  how  many  are  adults  and  how  many  are 
minors,  stating  how  many  are  natives  and  how  many  foreign-born, 
stating  how  many  are  married  and  how  many  single,  cannot  be 
received  with  confidence  in  their  accuracy. 

Why  is  it  that  the  existing  state  records  relating  to  crime  are  kept 
in  a  manner  so  imperfect  and  perfunctory  ?  Perhaps  it  is  a  sufficient 
answer  to  say  that  it  is  because  they  are  not  subjected  to  supervision 
or  control  by  any  central  authority.  A  few  of  the  states  have  passed 
laws  requiring  annual  returns  to  be  made  to  the  attorney-general  or 
to  the  secretary  of  state  by  criminal  courts,  county  clerks  or  prose- 
cuting attorneys,  showing  the  number  of  convictions  for  crime  during 
the  year,  together  with  varying  personal  details.  In  most  of  the 
states,  no  laws,  even  of  this  inadequate  kind,  have  been  enacted. 
But  these  laws  have  proved,  so  far  as  they  have  any  statistical  value, 
to  be  practically  a  dead  letter. 

The  records  of  the  criminal  courts  are  committed  to  the  clerks  of 
the  court.  To  gain  the  essential  statistical  facts  regarding  persons 
brought  to  trial  and  to  transcribe  them  faithfully  in  the  records, 
demands  of  the  clerks  laborious  and  conscientious  work;  the  work 
actually  done  will  always  be  performed  in  a  lax  and  slovenly  manner 
so  long  as  it  is  not  reviewed  or  supervised  by  any  superior  authority. 
It  now  receives,  in  fact,  practically  no  supervision  whatever.  The 


66  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

attorney-general  or  secretary  of  state  simply  receives  the  returns  in 
whatever  form  they  may  come  to  him.  If  any  court  fails  to  send  in 
returns  or  if  any  court  fails  to  keep  any  statistical  records  at  all,  no 
one  is  greatly  disturbed  and  no  coercive  measures  are  thought  of. 

In  this  deplorable  and  chaotic  condition  of  the  very  sources  from 
which  all  statistical  matter  must  be  drawn,  it  is  hopeless  to  look  for 
any  improvement  in  our  census  statistics,  unless  a  radical  change 
can  be  effected  in  state  administration.  The  records  of  the  police, 
the  courts,  the  prisons,  can  be  made  of  statistical  value  only  by  the 
action  of  the  state  itself;  and  there  is  apparent  but  one  method  by 
which  the  state  can  act  to  this  end.  There  should  be  established  in 
each  state  a  permanent  board  or  bureau  of  criminal  statistics,  whether 
as  an  independent  body  or  as  a  department  of  the  office  of  the  attorney- 
general  or  of  the  secretary  of  state.  This  bureau  should  be  charged 
with  the  duty  of  prescribing  the  forms  in  which  the  records  of  all 
criminal  courts,  police  boards  and  prisons  shall  be  kept  and  of  speci- 
fying the  items  regarding  which  entries  shall  be  made.  The  law 
creating  the  bureau  should  direct  that  the  forms  prescribed  by  it 
should  be  uniform  as  to  all  institutions  of  the  same  class  to  which 
they  respectively  apply  and  be  binding  upon  all  institutions  within 
the  state.  The  bureau  should  issue  general  instructions  governing 
the  collection  and  verification  of  the  facts  to  be  stated  in  the  record; 
it  should  also  be  its  duty,  and  it  should  be  vested  with  power,  to 
inspect  and  supervise  the  records  and  to  enforce  compliance  with  its 
requirements.  Such  a  bureau  might  secure  a  collection  of  reliable 
statistical  matter,  uniform  in  quality  throughout  the  state.  Indiana 
is  now,  it  is  believed,  the  only  state  in  the  Union  where  such  a  bureau 
exists. 

But  even  this  result  is  not  enough.  Supposing  all  the  criminal 
records  within  each  separate  state  to  be  made  uniform  throughout 
the  state,  still  they  would  not  be  available  for  comparison  or  for  the 
purposes  of  a  national  census,  unless  all  the  states  could  be  brought 
to  adopt  the  same  form  and  method  so  that  all  criminal  records 
throughout  the  Union  could  be  kept  upon  one  uniform  plan.  Here 
we  encounter  a  serious  obstacle.  The  diversity  and  conflict  of  state 
laws  are  crying  evils  of  our  time,  universally  recognized  and 
denounced  and  yet  the  most  strenuous  efforts  to  bring  about  harmo- 
nious action  between  the  legislatures  of  separate  states  have  always 
failed.  No  single  statute,  however  skilfully  drawn,  proposed  for 
universal  acceptance,  has  ever  yet  been  adopted  by  all  the  states  of 
the  Union.  Still,  the  states  must  act  in  unison  upon  this  matter  of 
uniform  criminal  records  or  else  our  statistics  of  crime  must  continue 
to  be  a  national  failure  and  a  national  reproach. 

Not  the  slightest  reflection  can  be  cast  upon  the  federal  census 
bureau;  on  the  contrary,  when  consideration  is  taken  of  the  frag- 
mentary and  chaotic  state  records  with  which  the  census  bureau  had 
to  deal,  the  systematic  and  orderly  results  and  the  general  deductions 
embraced  in  the  census  report  of  1904  must  be  regarded  as  a  signal 
scientific  triumph. 


Canal  and  Raid,  within  Grounds  of  Juvenile  Reformatory,  Avereest,  Holland 


I 


Part  of  Vagrancy  Colony.  Vecnhuizen.  Holland 


THE  STATISTICS  OF  CRIME.  67 

Uniformity  in  criminal  records  throughout  the  Union  we  have 
seen  to  be  an  imperative  need.  Is  it  a  visionary  ideal,  impossible 
of  attainment  ?  If  there  is  any  means  through  which  the  ideal  can 
be  realized  it  is  through  the  agency  of  state  bureaus  of  criminal 
statistics,  such  as  have  just  been  suggested.  Each  of  these  state 
bureaus,  in  preparing  uniform  plans  and  forms  for  its  own  state, 
would  naturally  place  itself  in  touch  with  the  national  census  bureau. 
While  the  national  bureau  would  not  be  legally  vested  with  the  slight- 
est power  to  dictate  to  the  state  bureau  or  to  direct  its  action,  prac- 
tiidllv  its  wide  experience  and  grasp  of  the  entire  situation  would 
enable  the  federal  bureau  to  wield  commanding  influence  in  shaping 
the  action  of  every  state  bureau.  If  the  creation  of  efficient  state 
bureaus,  of  the  kind  indicated,  in  the  several  states  could  only  be 
secured,  it  is  not  chimerical  to  believe  that,  through  the  dominating 
influence  of  the  federal  census  bureau  tactfully  exerted,  a  uniform 
system  of  statistical  records  relating  to  crime  could  ultimately  be 
established  throughout  the  United  States.  It  is  the  first  step  that 
costs.  If  a  few  of  the  leading  states  in  the  Union  could  be  induced 
to  establish  such  a  bureau  —  if  to  Indiana  could  be  added  New  York, 
Illinois,  Nebraska  and  in  the  south  Virginia  —  the  force  of  example 
would  be  potent  in  the  sister  states. 

1'rofessor  Mayo-Smith  in  his  work  on  the  "Science  of  Statistics" 
states  that  criminal  statistics  present  the  most  complicated  and  diffi- 
cult problems  within  the  scope  of  the  science.  Some  of  the  diffi- 
culties and  elements  of  uncertainty  attending  such  statistics  have  been 
adverted  to;  there  are  so  many  unknown  and  unascertainable  factors 
affecting  the  problems  of  crime  that  conclusions  drawn  from  criminal 
statistics  must  be  received  with  the  utmost  caution.  Statistical  vari- 
ations that  seem  on  their  face  to  point  in  a  certain  direction  may  be 
really  caused  by  facts  pointing  in  exactly  the  opposite  direction. 

One  exceedingly  common  and  popular  error  needs  special  mention; 
a  marked  increase  in  the  number  of  convictions  for  crime  indicates 
to  the  public  mind  an  increase  necessarily  in  the  volume  of  crime  com- 
mitted. In  fact,  it  may  be  owing  to  increased  activity  and  efficiency 
on  the  part  of  the  police  and  detective  officers,  to  greater  severity 
and  thoroughness  in  the  administration  of  the  courts,  to  a  change  in 
the  economic  conditions  of  the  community,  to  diminished  care  and 
skill  on  the  part  of  offenders  in  escaping  detection;  indeed,  there  are 
many  possible  factors  that  may  have  combined  to  produce  an  unusual 
statistical  result.  A  slight  change  in  the  laws  or  methods  of  procedure 
may  cause  startling  statistical  fluctuations.  For  example,  in  the  year 
1890,  the  number  of  convictions  for  drunkenness  in  Massachusetts 
was  25,582;  two  years  later,  the  number  had  fallen  to  8,634.  An 
amazing  diminution  of  drunkenness  in  Massachusetts  nearly  70 
percent?  Not  at  all;  it  was  owing  to  a  new  statute  passed  in  1891, 
the  effect  of  which  was  that  only  those  arrested  for  the  third  time 
within  a  year  were  subject  to  conviction. 

The  congestion  of  population  in  cities  and  the  progress  of  inven- 
tion necessitates  every  year  the  enactment  of  numerous  statutes  and 


68  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

municipal  ordinances  making  certain  acts,  that  are  harmful  to  the 
public,  misdemeanors  (that  is,  legally  crimes);  but  these  acts,  com- 
mitted in  large  part  through  ignorance  or  negligence,  are  not  essen- 
tially of  a  criminal  nature.  Statistically,  they  swell  the  number  of 
crimes  committed  but  most  of  them  are  not  crimes  in  the 
meaning  popular  usage  attaches  to  that  word.  These  considerations 
suggest  that  all  attempts  to  draw  conclusions  from,  and  to  explain, 
the  significance  of  the  rise  or  fall  of  the  statistical  barometer  must  be 
conducted  with  extreme  caution. 

An  error  into  which  speakers  and  writers  upon  crime  are  prone 
to  fall  is  that  of  regarding  the  statistics  of  crime  as  a  measure  of  the 
total  volume  of  crime  committed  in  the  country,  affording  ah  answer 
to  the  vital  question:  "Is  crime  increasing  ?"  There  are  two  funda- 
mental facts  relating  to  crime  that  must  never  be  forgotten.  First, 
that  criminal  statistics  are,  and  must  necessarily  always  be,  confined 
to  those  crimes  that  are  known  and  are  officially  acted  upon  by  the 
police  or  the  courts.  Secondly,  that  there  is  a  large  number  of  crimes 
that  are  committed  secretly  and  are  never  divulged,  the  perpetrators 
of  which  are  never  detected,  and  crimes  that  never  result  in  the 
apprehension  of  the  offender.  The  crimes  of  this  second  class  can- 
not possibly  enter  into  any  criminal  statistics  and  yet  they  form  a 
very  large  part  of  the  total  volume  of  crime  committed.  It  does  not 
seem  to  be  commonly  appreciated  that  these  unpublished,  unpunished 
crimes,  which  can  never  be  included  in  any  criminal  statistics,  prob- 
ably far  exceed  in  number  those  that  are  followed  by  conviction  and 
punishment. 

A  striking  example  of  this  class  of  unpublished  crimes  comes  to 
the  memory  of  the  writer  of  this  report,  connected  with  a  gentleman 
who  was  his  personal  friend.  At  the  time  of  the  occurrence  to  be 
related,  this  gentleman,  who  may  be  called  James  Simpson,  had 
retired  from  business  in  his  old  age.  He  was  not  wealthy,  but  from 
a  long  and  industrious  life  had  saved  sufficient  means  to  enable  him  to 
pass  his  closing  years  in  comfort.  He  received  a  call  one  day  from  the 
cashier  of  a  bank  who  stated  that  he  had  come  to  see  Mr.  Simpson 
about  the  payment  of  these  notes  of  his,  exhibiting  a  number  of  promis- 
sory notes  signed  "James  Simpson"  and  aggregating  in  amount  some 
$25,000.  Mr.  Simpson,  who  had  not  before  heard  of  any  such  notes, 
perceived  at  a  glance  that  his  signature  to  them  had  been  forged,  but 
he  was  shocked  to  recognize  by  the  same  glance  that  the  notes  through- 
out were  in  the  handwriting  of  his  own  son  —  the  son  had  forged  his 
father's  signature.  He  was  doubtless  unable  to  conceal  his  agitation, 
for  the  cashier  in  alarm  asked,  "The  signatures  are  yours,  aren't 
they?"  The  father  was  immediately  confronted  with  a  tragical 
dilemma.  If  he  should  adopt  the  notes,  as  if  they  were  genuine, 
he  was  at  a  loss  to  know  how  he  could  pay  them;  he  would  have  to 
mortgage  his  property:  it  would  subject  him  to  great  difficulty  and 
privation;  perhaps,  he  would  have  to  try  to  get  into  business  again. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  he  should  repudiate  the  notes  as  forgeries, 
there  flashed  before  his  mind  visions  of  a  public  trial  before  a  criminal 


THE  STATISTICS  OF  CRIME.  69 

court,  his  son  the  prisoner  at  the  bar,  the  inevitable  sentence,  his 
only  son  a  state  prisoner  in  prison  garb,  doomed  to  end  his  life  in 
disgrace  and  ruin.  There  was  no  time  for  deliberation;  the  crucial 
(jiH'stion,  "The  signatures  are  yours,  aren't  they?"  must  be  met 
without  hesitation  or  wavering.  The  father  promptly  answered  (and 
the  same  answer  would  be  given  probably  in  ninety-five  cases  out 
i  hundred),  "Yes,  they  are  my  notes." 

This  example  recalls  another,  relating  to  another  friend  of  the  writer, 
the  narration  of  which  may  be  excused  as  the  circumstances  attending 
it  were  peculiarly  interesting  and  strange.  A  merchant  in  the  city 
of  New  York  had  in  his  employment  a  bookkeeper  who  had  served 
him  for  twenty  years  and  was  trusted  without  limit.  By  sheer  accident 
the  employer  happened  to  notice  a  mis-entry  in  the  books  relating 
r<>  a  transaction  of  the  previous  day;  this  false  entry  made  by  the  book- 
keeper meant  a  loss  to  the  employer  of  $200.  His  suspicion  aroused, 
the  employer  made  a  closer  examination  of  the  books  and  discovered 
another  false  entry  of  the  same  kind  made  some  two  weeks  before, 
involving  loss  to  him  of  another  sum  of  about  $200.  He  then  sum- 
moned the  bookkeeper  to  his  private  office  and  charged  him  with  the 
theft  of  these  two  items  amounting  together  to  some  £400.  The 
bookkeeper  indignantly  protested  his  innocence  but,  on  being  con- 
fronted with  the  proofs  which  were  convincing,  he  broke  down  com- 
pletely and  confessed  that  he  had  been  pilfering  from  his  employer 
for  a  series  of  years  past.  When  asked  how  much  he  had  taken,  he 
replied,  "I  can  tell  you  exactly;"  and  he  drew  from  his  pocket  a 
neatly  written  memorandum  giving  dates  and  amounts  stolen  aggre- 
gating about  $15,000.  The  merchant,  appalled  at  this  unexpected 
disclosure,  exclaimed,  "John,  what  have  you  done  with  all  this 
money?"  John  replied,  "With  the  first  $3,500  taken  I  bought  a 
little  house  and  lot  in  New  Jersey  where  I  am  living;  all  the  rest  of 
the  money  I  put  into  savings  banks  in  this  city  where  it  now  is,  intact; 
and  I  am  ready  to  make  restitution  of  all  of  it  to  you  and,  as  soon  as 
the  deed  can  be  prepared,  I  will  convey  to  you  the  house  in  New 
Jersey  which  is  worth  all  I  gave  for  it."  In  verification  of  his  state- 
ments he  produced  the  savings  bank  books  showing  the  deposits 
in  his  name  and  he  said,  "I  am  ready  to  go  with  you  now  to  these 
banks  and  draw  out  these  moneys  and  repay  them  to  you."  Events 
were  moving  rapidly,  but  the  merchant  summoned  a  carriage  and  the 
two  men  started  out  to  make  the  round  of  the  savings  banks.  As 
they  entered  the  carriage  the  bookkeeper  drew  from  his  pocket  a 
roll  of  bank  bills,  containing  several  hundred  dollars  which  he  handed 
to  his  employer  saying,  "  Here,  this  is  part  of  your  money;  take  it." 
They  visited  the  savings  banks,  drew  out  the  deposists  and  when  they 
returned  to  the  office  the  merchant  had  recovered  all  that  had  been 
stolen  from  him  except  the  New  Jersey  house  and  that  was  duly 
conveyed  to  him  afterward. 

Now,  who  can  tell  how  many  occurrences  similar  to  these  are  daily 
happening,  except  as  to  the  feature  of  restitution  in  the  last  case 
cited  ?  That  feature  was  surely  unique.  Crimes  of  burglary,  of 


jo  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

robbery,  of  blackmail,  of  rape,  of  larceny,  of  assault,  are  being  con- 
stantly committed  that  never  come  to  the  public  ear.  The  victims 
of  these  crimes  endure  them  in  silence,  impelled  by  multitudinous 
motives.  A  merchant  may  have  apprehension  that  if  it  becomes 
known  that  he  has  sustained  loss  through  robbery  or  embezzlement, 
his  commercial  credit  may  be  seriously  impaired;  other  victims 
shrink  from  the  annoyance  and  publicity  of  appearing  as  prosecutors 
at  a  criminal  trial  and  reason  that  even  the  conviction  of  the  offender 
cannot  in  any  degree  repair  the  loss  or  damage  they  have  already 
suffered;  others  are  restrained  by  distrust  of  the  police  or  by  fear  of 
revenge  by  the  offender  or  his  allies;  the  situation  or  conduct  of  the 
victim  himself  at  the  time  the  crime  was  committed  may  have  been 
such  as  to  cast  discredit  or  ridicule  upon  him  if  publicly  disclosed; 
pity  for  the  guilty  person,  professing  penitence,  or  for  his  innocent 
family  or  the  fact  that  the  offender  was  his  relative  may  restrain  the 
victim  from  conducting  a  prosecution  that  would  bring  disgrace  and 
suffering  without  any  compensating  benefit.  These  and  countless 
other  like  inducements  not  to  prosecute  control  the  action  of  the 
victim  in  possibly  a  majority  of  all  the  cases  where  crimes  are  com- 
mitted. It  often  requires  public  spirit  and  a  strong  sense  of  justice 
and  of  public  duty  to  sustain  a  complainant  in  pressing  a  criminal 
prosecution  to  final  conviction. 

In  addition  to  these  unpublished  crimes,  there  are  numerous  cases 
where  crime  is  committed  and  reported  to  the  police  but  proceed  no 
further.  In  these  instances,  the  offender  may  be  known  but  has 
escaped  or  the  offender  is  unknown  and  eludes  detection;  in  either 
case  there  is  no  conviction  and  the  crime  remains  unpunished. 

All  these  crimes,  both  those  that  are  unpublished  and  those 
that  are  unpunished,  cut  no  figure  in  the  statistics  of  crime.  What  pro- 
portion they  bear  in  number  and  in  magnitude  to  the  crimes  included 
in  statistics  cannot  possibly  be  known  and  yet  they  constitute  a  very 
large  part  of  the  total  volume  of  crime.  Do  these  unpublished  and 
unpunished  crimes  bear  a  constant  relation  to  the  crimes  of  the  statis- 
tics, both  increasing  or  decreasing  in  like  ratio  ?  The  prosecution 
and  punishment  of  crime  is  designed  to  check  the  commission  of 
crime,  that  is,  to  reduce  the  number  of  crimes  committed.  Is  it 
not  probable,  then  that  when  the  number  of  crimes  that  are  detected 
and  punished  increases,  the  number  of  those  crimes  that  are  unpub- 
lished and  unpunished  will  tend  to  decrease  instead  of  to  increase  ? 
That  the  ratio  between  the  two  classes  will  be,  not  a  direct,  but  an 
inverse  ratio  ? 

There  is  no  possible  means  of  arriving  at  a  positive  and  confident 
answer  to  these  questions.  All  that  is  certain  is  that  any  criminal 
statistics  that  can  possibly  be  gathered  must  relate  to  a  part  only, 
and  doubtless  a  minor  part,  of  the  whole  volume  of  crime  and  that 
there  is  no  possible  means  of  learning  whether  the  magnitude  of 
that  known  part  varies  in  a  direct  or  in  an  inverse  ratio  to  that  of 
the  rest  of  the  volume.  Is  crime  increasing  ?  is  a  question 
vastly  interesting  and  important;  whether  the  question  relates  to  the 


THE  STATISTICS  OK  CRIME.  71 

number  of  crimes  committed  or  the  number  of  criminals,  it  embraces 
the  whole  body  of  crime  actually  committed  in  the  country.  To  this 
question,  criminal  statistics  cannot,  be  made  to  yield  any  answer. 

This  conclusion,  however  dispiriting,  docs  not  impugn  the  value 
of  statistics  of  crime.  There  are  many  problems  where  such  statistics 
are  not  only  useful  but  indispensable.  "Statistics  are  our  chief  source 
of  knowledge  concerning  the  elements  of  population  that  enter  into 
the  criminal  classes,  the  essential  condition  of  these  elements,  the 
proportion  of  prisoners  convicted  for  the  different  kinds  of  offences" 
(Annual  Report  of  1907  of  American  Prison  Association,  p.  208). 

Perhaps  the  highest  value  of  criminal  statistics  consists  in  the  light 
they  may  throw  upon  the  practical  effects  produced  by  penal  legis- 
lation, by  judicial  procedure  and  by  the  administration  ot  police  and 
detective  officers.  For  example,  within  the  past  decade  radical 
changes  in  the  administration  of  justice  have  been  established  in 
this  country  by  laws  relating  to  juvenile  offenders  and  by  the  extended 
use  of  the  suspended  sentence  and  probation.  A  question  has  arisen 
in  many  minds  whether  the  severity  of  the  penal  law  has  not  thus 
been  unduly  relaxed.  It  is  a  matter  of  supreme  importance  to  know 
whether,  and  how  far,  the  tenderness  of  the  modern  law  toward 
children  serves  to  rescue  them  from  a  life  of  crime;  to  know  whether 
the  clemency  of  the  law  toward  adults  by  suspension  of  sentence  and 
probation  promotes  their  rehabilitation,  and  to  know  to  what  class 
of  offenders  this  clemency  may  properly  be  extended;  to  know  whether 
these  milder  methods  of  treatment  are  affording  adequate  protection 
to  the  public,  or  whether  sterner  measures  of  restraint  and  discipline 
may  be  made  more  effective  in  repressing  crime.  These  vital  ques- 
tions can  receive  final  answer  only  by  following  the  subsequent  career 
of  the  offenders  to  whom  these  methods  are  applied,  and  thus  gain- 
ing data  for  statistical  tabulation.  In  the  same  way,  the  virtue  of 
the  indeterminate  sentence  ought  to  be  substantiated  by  the  statis- 
tical test.  Statistics  can  be  made  to  show  what  class  of  crime  comes 
most  frequently  before  the  courts  in  a  given  community,  and  whether 
an  increase  in  the  severity  of  punishment  tends  to  increase  or  diminish 
the  number  of  convictions. 

A  movement  is  now  in  progress  which  may  greatly  widen  the  scope 
of  criminal  statistics.  It  has  long  been  reali/ed  that  many  persons 
sentenced  for  crime  are  feeble-minded  and  seriously  defective,  men- 
tally and  physically,  but  within  the  past  few  years  the  conviction  has 
been  growing  that  our  penal  system  is  radically  imperfect  in  that 
it  provides  no  adequate  means  for  deciding  whether  or  not  a  person 
on  trial  for  crime  is  really  responsible  criminally. 

Some  two  years  ago  the  writer  of  this  report  had  his  attention  and 
interest  directed  to  a  convict  confined  in  the  state  prison  of  one  of 
the  western  states.  The  man  was  subject  to  sei/ures  which  were 
diagnosed  (possibly  correctly)  as  of  an  epileptic  nature.  They  were 
attacks  of  acute  mania  when  he  became  violent  and  was  apparently 
unconscious  of  his  acts,  as  he  retained  no  memory  of  what  had 
occurred  during  the  attack.  In  one  of  these  seizures  he  committed  a 


72  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

violent  assault  upon  and  killed  the  foreman  of  the  factory  where  he 
was  a  workman.  He  was  convicted  of  murder  and  sent  to  the  state 
prison.  There  he  was  subjected  to  close  medical  observation  and 
treatment  and  last  year  underwent  a  surgical  operation  which 
resulted  in  the  discovery  of  a  needle  in  or  upon  the  surface  of  the  brain, 
with  a  thickening  of  the  adjacent  part  of  the  skull.  The  removal 
of  the  needle  was  followed  by  a  quick  recovery;  the  general  health 
of  the  man,  which  had  been  reduced,  rapidly  improved  and  there 
has  since  been  no  recurrence  of  the  spasmodic  seizures.  Last  April 
he  was  discharged  from  the  prison  upon  parole  or  conditional  pardon 
and  his  future  career  will  be  watched  with  interest  for  the  appearance 
of  any  criminal  tendency. 

It  cannot  be  doubted  that  many  of  the  convicts  now  confined  in 
prison  are  constitutionally  abnormal,  on  the  borderline  between  sanity 
and  insanity,  or  mentally  defective  to  such  a  degree  that  they  are  not 
fit  subjects  for  penal  treatment.  The  protection  of  the  public 
requires  that  they  should  be  confined,  not  in  prison,  but  in  an  insti- 
tution where  they  can  receive  medical  and  psychopathic  treatment. 
The  stern  discipline  of  the  prison  may  often  serve  positively  to  aggra- 
vate the  infirmities  from  which  they  suffer  and  render  them  more 
dangerous  to  the  community  on  their  discharge.  To  meet  this  neces- 
sity, it  is  now  demanded  that  every  person  tried  for  crime  shall  be 
subjected  to  a  psychological  examination  by  medical  experts  to  ascertain 
and  report  whether  his  mental  or  physical  condition  is  so  far  impaired 
or  so  far  abnormal  as  to  render  him  irresponsible  criminally.  Such 
report  would  be  an  invaluable  aid  to  the  court  in  determining  whether 
the  offender  should  be  committed  to  prison  for  a  limited  term  or  to 
a  custodial  institution  for  an  indefinite  period,  to  be  released  only 
when  his  release  will  be  consistent  with  safety  to  the  public. 

Examinations  of  this  kind  have  lately  been  conducted,  with 
results  interesting  and  notable,  in  the  New  Jersey  state  reformatory, 
in  the  state  reformatory  for  women  at  Bedford,  New  York,  in  the 
Tombs  prison  in  New  York  city  and  elsewhere;  they  have  shown 
that  a  large  fraction  of  the  number  of  prisoners  examined  are  mentally 
defective  and  below  the  line  of  criminal  responsibility  for  their  acts. 
The  Prison  Association  of  New  York  has  recently  organized  an 
active  committee,  comprising  eminent  specialists  in  mental  disease,  to 
promote  the  legislative  adoption  of  a  system  requiring  the  medico- 
psychological  examination  of  all  persons  placed  on  trial  or  imprisoned 
for  crime.  If  the  movement  in  this  direction  should  prove  successful, 
the  contemplated  examinations  might  furnish  a  mass  of  data  for  the 
establishment  of  a  new  department  in  the  science  of  criminal  statistics. 

There  are  numberless  legal,  sociological  and  economic  problems 
bearing  upon  the  efficiency  of  the  police  force  and  of  the  administra- 
tion of  justice  by  the  courts,  on  immigration,  education,  marriage  and 
divorce,  commercial  prosperity  or  depression,  drunkenness  and  vag- 
rancy, lunacy  and  idiocy,  unemployment  and  poverty,  all  in  their 
relation  to  crime,  upon  which  criminal  statistics  may  be  made  to 
throw  needed  light. 


THE  STATISTICS  OF  CRIME.  73 

To  sum  up  this  report,  it  is  but  a  truism  to  say  that  statistics,  to 
be  useful  for  any  purpose,  must  be  comprehensive,  accurate  and  uni- 
form. What  statistics  we  now  have  are  deficient  in  all  these  qualities. 
To  secure  the  ultimate  introduction  of  these  lacking  qualities  into 
our  criminal  statistics  must  be  made  the  aim  of  present  endeavor. 
The  institution  in  each  state  of  the  Union  of  a  bureau  of  criminal 
statistics,  all  these  bureaus  to  be  brought  into  harmonious  and  united 
activity  through  the  co-operation  and  under  the  guidance  of  the 
federal  census  bureau,  is  urged  as  the  most  effective  means  to  this 
end.  To  stimulate  interest  and  effort  toward  the  establishment  of 
such  state  bureaus  is  respectfully  presented  as  the  chief  burden  of  the 
present  report. 


Qlrtp,  $itmm?r,  1911 

iEtglit 


INTRODUCTORY  TO   REPORT  OF  EUROPEAN   TRIP  OF   GENERAL 

SECRETARY 

IN  the  spring  of  IQII,  the  Prison  Association  of  New  York  received 
an  invitation   from  the   International   Congress  for  the  Studv  of 
Questions    Relating   to    the    Patronage  of  Discharged   Prisoners 
and  the  Protection    of   Morally  Abandoned  Children  to  participate 
in  the  fifth  session  of  that  congress  to  be  held  in 
The  State          Antwerp  from  the  sixteenth  to  the  twenty-first  of 
of  European       July,  1911.     The  congress  of  1911  was  a  continu- 
Prisons.  ation  of  four  similar  congresses  held  in  Antwerp 

in  1890,  1894  and  1898,  and  at  Liege  in  1904. 
The  general  secretary  of  the  Prison  Association  was  instructed  to 
represent  the  Association  at  Antwerp,  and  subsequently  to  make  a 
tour  of  several  European  countries,  in  order  to  report  to  the  Prison 
Association,  and  through  the  annual  report  of  the  society  to  the 
Legislature,  upon  such  conditions  obtaining  in  European  prisons  and 
other  correctional  institutions  as  might  prove  of  interest  and  value 
to  American  students  of  prison  administration  and  reform. 

More  than  thirty  years  ago  Dr.  E.  C.  Wines,  a  former  secretary 
of  the  Prison  Association,  published  an  epoch-making  work  on  the 
"State  of  Prisons  in  the  United  States  and  Europe."  In  later  years, 
between  1900  and  1909,  Dr.  Samuel  J.  Barrows,  corresponding  sec- 
retary of  the  Prison  Association,  published  frequent  monographs  of 
great  value  on  European  prison  conditions.  The  present  report  of 
the  general  secretary  is  neither  exhaustive  nor  complete.  The  re- 
port treats  of  institutions  visited  by  the  general  secretary  of  the  Asso- 
ciation in  Belgium,  Holland,  Germany,  England  and  Scotland  in 
the  summer  of  1911,  and  describes  also  the  Antwerp  congress.1  While 
in  no  sense  a  general  study  of  the  "state  of  prisons,"  it  is  a  report 
conforming  with  the  purpose  of  the  Association  to  describe  from  time 
to  time  for  the  benefit  of  American  students  of  criminology  the  methods 
and  deliberations  of  students  in  similar  fields  in  other  lands. 
The  itinerary  of  the  general  secretary  was  as  follows: 

ITINERARY 

July,  IQII. 
4-14    New  York  to  Rotterdam. 

14  The  Hague,  Holland.     House  of  detention  for  adults. 

15  The  Hague,  Holland.     Special  prison  (under  construction)  for  epilep- 

tics, aged,  insane,  feeble  minded  and  tuberculous. 
Haarlem,  Holland.     Prison. 

16  Antwerp,  Belgium.     International  congress. 


1  Because  of  present  lack  of  space,  certain  parts  of  the  general  secretary's  report  will  be  pub- 
lished in  our  next  annual  report. 

74 


Greenock  Prison.  Scotland. 


Grccnock  Prison.  Scotland. 


Tin    STATE  OF  EUROPEAN  PRISONS.  75 

r/>,  Belgium.  International  congress. 

|S      / •••  •,-/•/»,  Belgium.  International  congress;  house  of  detention. 

."/.  International  congress  superior  court. 

20  Antwerp,  Belgium.  International  congress. 
.' i     Antwerp,  Belgium.  National  fete. 

22  The  Hague,  H'Jland.     Local  prison. 
.Imersfoort,  Upland.     Reform  school. 

23  Apeldoor,  Holland.     Voluntary  labor  colony  for  discharged  prisoners. 

24  A'cereest,  II  nil  and.     Opening  of  reform  school. 
i)     yeenhuixen,  Holland.     Beggar  colons. 

26    Berlin,  German  \. 

Berlin^  Germany.  Juvenile  protectory,  "Am  I'rhan." 

lierlin,  German v.  Morals  police. 

Berlin,  German  v.  Children's  court.     Prisoners*  aid  society. 

30  Berlin,  Germany*  Sunday. 

31  Berlin,  Germany.  Morals  police.     Moahit  prison. 

August,  1Q1I. 

1  Berlin,  German\.     Morals  police.     Night  asylum  for  homeless. 

2  Berlin,  German  v.     Workhouse  ar  Kummelshurg. 

3  Baden  Baden,  Germany.       Dav's  interview  with  Dr.  Krohne,  chief  of 

Prussian  prison  system. 

4  The  Rhine,  Germany.     From  Bingen  to  Cologne. 

5  Brauweiler,  Germany.     Workhouse. 

6  Bielefeld,  Germany.     Labor  colony. 

7  ('.iff, Id,  Germany.     Juvenile  reformatory  Fichtenhain. 

7  Anhalt,  Germany.     Prison. 

8  Merxplas,  Belgium.     Beggar  colon}'. 

9  Antwerp,  Belgium,  to  London,  England. 
10  London,  England.     Holloway  prison 

10  London,  England.  Pentonville  prison. 

1 1  London,  England.  Wormwcx>d  Scrubbs. 

12  London,  England.  Brixton  remand  prison, 
i  \  London,  England.  Sunday. 

14  Borstal,  England.     Borstal  institution. 

1 5  I^ondon,  England.    Borstal  association. 

16  London,  England.    Bow  Street  Police  Court.      Scotland  yard.     Work- 

in  HIM,  casual  ward. 

17  Newport.     Isle  of  Wight,   England.     Parkhurst   prison.     Camp   Hill 

prison  (under  construction). 
1 8  20    London,  England. 

21  Edinburgh,  Scotland.     Local  prison. 

22  I'eterhraJ,  Scotland.     Convict  prison. 
.•  ^     Inverness,  Scotland.     Local  prison. 

24  Gltisgou;  Scotland. 

25  Glasgow,  Scotland.     Barlinne  prison,  Duke  street  prison. 

August  26  to  September  3.     Glasgow  to  .Vint-  York. 

The   character   of  institutions   and   organizations   visited   was   as 
follows: 

Convict  prisons 3 

Local  or  district  prisons 1° 


76  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

Remand  prisons I 

Houses  of  detention  (adults) 2 

Reformatory  for  males  16-21 I 

Workhouses 2 

Reformatories  for  juveniles 4 

Vagrancy  and  bcgger  colonies  (compulsory) 2 

Vagrancy  colonies  (voluntary) '.  . .  2 

Prisons  under  construction 2 

Pauper  workhouse 

Casual  ward 

Night  asylum  for  homeless 

Superior  court 

Police  court 

Children's  courts. I 

Police  departments 2 


37 
International  congress   (July   16-21) i 


While  the  general  secretary  aimed  to  visit  many  typical  institutions 
of  various  kinds,  he  recognized  that  the  Prison  Association  is  at  present 
most  deeply  interested  in  (a)  European  vagrancy  colonies;  (b)  local 
and  convict  prisons;  (c)  tendencies  toward  the  reformatory  treatment 
of  prisoners,  and  (d)  the  treatment  of  the  feeble-minded  or  mentally 
deficient  prisoner.  The  chapters  following  will  outline  the  impres- 
sions of  the  representative  of  the  Association. 

The  Prison  Association  deeply  appreciates  the  signal  courtesy  and 
hospitality  so  spontaneously   manifested   toward   the   general   secre- 
tary by  prison  authorities  in  all  countries  visited 
Honorary         by    him.     Frequently    our    European    colleagues 
Corresponding     and    friends    gave    themselves    considerable    per- 
Members.          sonal  inconvenience  to  facilitate  the  tour  of  our 
representative.     In    partial    recognition    of  these 
courtesies,  the  board   of  managers   of  the   Prison  Association  have 
done  themselves  the  honor  to  elect  as  honorary  corresponding  mem- 
bers of  the  Association 

Sir    Evelyn    Ruggles-Brise,     chairman    Prison    Commission    of 
England. 

Walter  George  Scott,  chairman  Prison  Commission  of  Scotland. 

James  S.  Gibbons,  chairman  Prison  Commission  of  Ireland. 

H.  C.  Dresselhuis,  secretary-general  Ministry  of  Justice,  Hol- 
land. 

A.  Fentener  van  Flisslngen,  president  Netherlands  Prisoners' Aid 

Society,  Holland.  % 

H.  B.   Ver  Loren  van  Themaat,  Queen's  attorney,  Holland. 
Dr.  E.  Krohne,  chief  of  Prussian  Prison  System,  Germany. 


THE  STATE  OF  Et ROPKAN  PRISONS.  77 

Dr.  Ernest  RostnfflJ,  royal  attorney,  Germany. 
Gtorgt  Stammer,  criminologisr,  Germany. 
Madame  Carton  de  ft'iart,  social  worker,  Belgium. 
Adolph  Prins,  professor  of  penal  law,  Belgium. 

hnr  Sztlagyi,  advocate,  Hungary. 

Dr.   R.    y  amber  yt   royal   attorney   and   professor  of  penal   law, 
Hungary. 

This  report  seeks  to  cover  in  brief  form  the  problem  of  vagrancy 
in  ci-rtain  European  countries,  and  outlines  also  the  present  status  of 
English  prisons  and  Borstal  institutions.  It  is  hoped  that  the 
in-xr  annual  report  will  contain  a  study  of  German  and  Dutch  prisons 
and  reformatories,  and  of  certain  European  prisoners'  aid  societies, 
matters  that  could  not  be  treated  in  the  present  report  because  of 
lack  of  space. 


(Eltaptrr 


THE  PROBLEM  OF  EUROPEAN  MENDICANCY  AND  VAGRANCY 

THE  problem  of  vagrancy  in  the  United  States  has  assumed  not 
only  national  proportions,  but  most  serious  phases.     Students  of 
industrial   conditions   as   well  as  the  more  popular  newspaper 
press  have  shown  that  our  indifference  to  our  tramp  army  results  yearly 
in  startling  increases  in  the  number  of  tramps  and  vagabonds.     More 
than  in  any  other  country  our  tramp  army  is  recruited  from  work- 
shy  young  men,  who  form  the  bulk  of  the  freight-train  riders  infest- 
ing the  great  trunk  lines  throughout  the  country. 

Many  estimates  have  been  made  as  to  the  size  and  extent  of  the 
tramp   army.     The   statement  was   popular  several  years   ago   that 
500,000   vagrants   roam   American   railroads   and 
The  Extent        highways.     The    annual    loss    to    American    rail- 
of  the  roads  through   depredations  of  tramps  and  vag- 

Problem.  rants     has     been     variously    estimated     at    from 

$15,000,000  to  $25,000,000.  Cases  of  loss  of  life 
among  tramps  due  to  accidents  on  railroads  and  railroad  tracks  seem 
to  number  between  5,000  and  10,000  a  year,  while  serious  injuries 
occur  to  as  many  more  persons.  The  cost  to  the  public  in  chari- 
table provision  in  almshouses  and  hospitals,  municipal  lodging  houses, 
missions,  charity  organization  societies  and  the  like  must  be  enor- 
mous, and  local  prisons,  such  as  houses  of  correction,  workhouses  and 
county  jails  are  largely  populated  by  the'vagrant  classes.  That  con- 
ditions become  each  year  worse  instead  of  better  is  common  testi- 
mony. Discouraging  indeed  are  such  patent  facts  as  that  the  short 
sentencing  of  vagrants  is  still  the  rule  throughout  the  country  and 
that  commitments  for  vagrancy  to  penal  institutions  form  about  one- 
fifth  of  all  the  commitments  to  American  penal  institutions,  drunken- 
ness being  the  only  cause.of  commitment  more  frequent  than  that  of 
vagrancy. 

Encouraging  on  the  other  hand  is  the  general  public  interest  mani- 
fested in  the  so-called  tramp  problem,  an  interest  due  not  so  largely 
to  the  picturesque  nature  of  the  tramp  as  to  the  obvious  fact  that  the 
tramp  is  generally  not  only  a  nuisance,  but  an  elusive  and  dangerous 
individual. 

The  State  of  New  York  passed  last  summer  a  bill  providing  for 
the  establishment  of  an  industrial  farm  colony  for  the  compulsory 
detention,  reformation  and  education  of  habitual 
A  Farm  tramps  and  vagrants.     The  bill  provides  for  the 

Colony  appointment  of  a  board  of  managers  by  the  Gov- 

Bill.  ernor,  and  for  the  securing  of  a  site,  preferably 

among  the  waste  lands  of  the  State.  An  appro- 
priation of  $io,coo  was  granted  for  initial  expenses.  By  1912,  the 

78 


: 


. 


• 

.: 


IN   FOREIGN  COUNTRIES.  79 

board  of  managers  will,  it  is  hoped,  have  secured  a  proper  site  and 
will  seek  to  secure  appropriations  for  the  construction  of  the  first 
buildings.  No  step  of  greater  significance  has  probably  ever  been 
taken  in  the  United  States  in  the  treatment  of  vagrancy.  The  state 
farm  of  Massachusetts  has  for  many  years  been  considered  an 
excellent  workhouse  for  vagrants  and  inebriates,  but  the  proposed 
New  York  farm  colony  will,  it  is  planned,  combine  the  best  of  the 
experience  of  European  countries  with  the  results  of  American 
experience  in  the  treatment  of  the  vagrant. 

The  next  few  years,  during  which  the  first  New  York  industrial 
farm  colonv  will  be  built  and  put  into  operation,  will  be  a  period  of 
high  importance  not  only  for  New  York  State  but  for  all  other  states 
of  the  Union.  New  York  State  is  being  carefully  watched  by  many 
sister  states.  Rightly  or  wrongly,  many  of  the  methods  adopted  in 
Nt-\v  York  are  considered  standards  in  many  other  states.  The 
present  is  a  period  of  much  doubt  as  to  the  proper  methods  of  dealing 
with  the  tramp.  Should  New  York  make  false  moves  in  the  con- 
struction of  its  farm  colony  or  in  its  administration  and  operation, 
the  unfortunate  results  would  effect  not  only  New  York  but  other  states. 
•leign  countries,  notably  Belgium,  Holland  and  Germany,  have 
had  lengthy  und  varied  experience  with  the  problem  of  vagabondage 
and  mendicancy.  Indeed,  in  central  Kurope  the 
In  Foreign  vagrancy  problem  is  not  only  a  generation  old. 
Countries.  but  a  century  old.  Napoleon  devoted  some  of 
his  genius  to  the  problem  of  the  suppression  of 
vagabondage.  When  the  Dutch  controlled  Belgium  as  well  as  Hol- 
land, Dutch  benevolent  societies  sought  in  Belgium  the  reformation 
and  rehabilitation  of  the  vagabond.  A  half  century  ago,  Holland 
was  segregating  over  1000  vagabonds  and  beggars  on  a  bleak  heath 
in  the  north  of  Holland  east  of  the  Xuyder  Zee,  and  already  turning 
the  arid  plain  into  a  blooming  oasis.  Belgium  was  creating,  fifty 
years  ago.  local  beggar  colonies  and  was  recogni/ing  that  vagrancy 
is  one  of  the  great  social  dangers  of  a  nation,  a  danger  increasing 
iiH-\ital)ly  with  the  progress  of  civilization.  Germany  was  thirty 
years  ago  establishing  its  first  voluntary  labor  colony  at  Bielefeld  in 
central  Prussia.  Pastor  von  Bodclschwingh.  the  great  German 
organizer  of  philanthropic  institutions  for  defectives  of  all  kinds, 
founded  with  deep  religious  conviction  his  first  farm  colonv  for  the 
"l>i others  of  the  highway."  Compulsory  workhouses,  semi-penal 
in  nature,  have  come  to  number  about  thirty  in  the  kingdom  of 
Prussia,  containing  not  thieves,  not  those  guilty  of  assault,  not  robbers 
in. i  other  criminals  of  greater  or  less  degree,  but  solely  vagrants, 
mendicants,  and  that  despicable  class  of  human  beings,  the  toutrnfurs, 
who  traffic  in  human  flesh. 

Today  the  accumulated  experience  of  generations  can  be  found  in 
the  records  and  in  the  methods  of  administration  of  Belgian  beggar 
colonies,  Dutch  vagrancy  colonies,  German  voluntary  labor  colonies 
and  German  compulsory  workhouses.  It  is  unthinkable  that  the 
United  States,  ever  ready  in  commercial  and  industrial  lines  to  profit 
not  only  by  the  mistakes  but  by  the  successes  of  other  nations,  will 


8o  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

be  blind  to  the  wealth  of  experience  that  European  countries  can 
offer  us. 

With  the  purpose  of  rendering  a  slight  contribution  to  American 
information  on  this  subject,  a  considerable  part  of  my  last  summer's 
tour  in  Belgium,  Holland,  Germany,  England  and  Scotland,  as  general 
secretary  of  the  Prison  Association  of  New  York,  was  devoted  to  a 
first-hand  study  of  the  administration  of  institutions  for  vagrants 
and  mendicants,  and  to  the  study  also  of  their  history  and  of  the  laws 
under  which  at  various  times  they  have  been  operated.  In  several 
chapters  following  this  introductory  chapter,  I  present  a  somewhat 
careful  study  of  Merxplas,  the  world-famous  beggar  colony  of  Belgium ; 
of  Veenhuizen,  the  less-known  but  remarkably  interesting  vagrancy 
colony  of  Holland;  of  the  voluntary  labor  colonies  and  the  compulsory 
workhouses  of  Prussia  and  Germany;  and  of  conditions  and  problems 
of  vagrancy  in  England  and  Scotland. 

Much  very  valuable  material  has  been  furnished  me  by  the  directors 
of  the  several  institutions;  by  the  departments  of  justice  in  Belgium, 
Holland  and  Prussia;  by  the  Home  Office  in  England  and  by  the 
prison  commissioners  of  Scotland.  I  have  not  hesitated  to  cull  from 
reliable  reports  and  publications  dealing  with  the  various  institutions 
it  has  been  my  purpose  to  describe.  The  following  chapters  are  in  no 
sense  essays,  but  rather  compilations  of  facts  which  have  been  gathered 
from  personal  observation  and  from  various  other  credible  sources. 

Several  general  observations  may  well  precede  the  special  chapters. 

I.  In  four  of  the  countries  above  mentioned  (Belgium,  Holland, 
England  and  Scotland}  the  correctional  institutions  in  which  vagrants 
and  mendicants  are  confined  are  under  the  same 
Centralized  governing  body  as  that  which  governs  the  prisons. 
Control.  In  Belgium  and  Holland,  the  department  of 

justice  controls  the  beggar  colonies  and  the 
vagrancy  colonies.  In  England  and  Scotland  the  boards  of  prison 
commissioners  are  the  governing  bodies  not  only  for  the  convict 
prisons  in  which  the  more  serious  offenders  are  imprisoned,  but  also 
for  the  local  prisons,  which  are  the  places  of  imprisonment  of  beggars 
and  mendicants.  In  Prussia,  the  Arbeitshaeuser  (compulsory  work- 
houses) are  under  provincial,  not  royal,  control.  In  short,  in  Prussia 
compulsory  workhouses  are  county  institutions,  or  in  the  case  of 
Berlin  municipal  institutions,  rather  than  state  institutions.  We 
find  therefore  in  Holland  and  Belgium  special  institutions  for  the 
imprisonment  of  vagrants  and  mendicants  controlled  by  the  state; 
in  Prussia  special  institutions  for  the  imprisonment  of  vagrants  and 
mendicants  controlled  by  provinces  corresponding  in  general  to  our 
American  counties;  we  find  in  England  and  Scotland  local  prisons, 
not  specially  designated  for  vagrants  and  mendicants,  controlled  by 
the  state  through  boards  of  prison  commissioners.  While  in  Prussia 
the  American  student  might  perhaps  expect  under  provincial  (i.  e., 
county)  management  a  condition  analagous  to  the  indifferent  if  not 
highly  unintelligent  county  management  of  correctional  institutions 
so  familiar  to  American  students,  the  fact  is  that  the  Prussian  county 


FOREIGN  VAGRANTS  DIFFERENT.  81 

compulsory  workhouses  seem  to  be  managed  with  a  German  thor- 
oughness, efficiency,  and  integrity,  that  makes  these  county  institu- 
tions, so  far  as  my  observations  went,  fully  comparable  to  the  man- 
.im-im-nt  of  the  German  state  prisons  and  penitentiaries. 

The  important  point  is  that  the  state,  or  in  Prussia  the  county, 
can  organi/e  and  operate  its  institutions  for  vagrants  and  mendicants 
independent  of  petty  local  prejudices  or  ignorance  and  regardless  of 
pernicious  political  influences.  And  if  in  general  a  European  state 
concludes  to  institute  in  its  colonies  or  other  institutions  an  innovation 
or  a  method  well-tested  elsewhere,  it  has  the  power.  As  in  New  York, 
state  institutions  in  general  are  far  better  managed  than  the  local 
institutions,  so  in  the  European  countries  I  visited  the  principle  of 
state  control  and  operation  of  all  correctional  institutions  is  held  to 
be  fundamentally  correct.  If  in  Prussia  the  local  institutions  were 
poorly  managed,  the  state  would  undoubtedly  seek  to  step  in  and 
take  over  the  management  of  these  institutions.  Briefly  then,  it  can 
be  asserted  that  the  state  control  and  operation  of  institutions  for  the 
treatment  of  vagrants  and  tramps  is  a  principle  justified  by  European 
experience. 

2.  In  all  European  countries  vitittJ,  I  found  a  most  aJtnirablt 
absence  of  political  influences.  Repeatedly  it  was  impressed  upon 

me  by  high  authorities  that  politics  play  no  dele- 
No  Politics.        terious  part  in  the  appointments  of  correctional 

officials,  high  or  low.  To  be  sure,  each  country 
has  its  political  parties,  but  the  integrity  of  men  in  office  is,  I  was 
informed,  rarely  questioned.  Positions  such  as  secretary-general  of 
the  department  of  justice,  which  office  carries  with  it  both  in  Holland 
and  Belgium  the  administration  of  prisons  and  other  correctional 
institutions,  or  that  of  the  head  of  the  Prussian  prison  system,  or  that 
of  chairman  of  the  prison  commissioners  of  England  or  Scotland  is 
practically  a  position  of  life  tenure,  during  good  behavior.  Governors 
and  directors  of  prisons,  and  subordinate  officials  as  well,  hold  office 
without  fear  of  removal  for  any  cause  except  dereliction  of  duty, 
incompetency  or  immorality.  Frequently  indeed  was  the  plea  made 
to  me:  "Urge  above  all  things  the  removal  of  American  prisons 
from  politics."  The  type  of  prison  employee  from  governor  down 
through  to  the  list  of  attendants  is,  from  the  standard  of  integrity, 
admirable  in  all  countries  I  visited.  That  such  conditions  make  for 
good  service  is  self-evident,  through  the  elimination  of  worry  as  to 
tenure,  and  through  the  elimination  of  voluntary  or  compulsory  dis- 
honesty under  the  pressure  of  political  influences. 

2.  On  the  continent*  the  vagrants  and  mendicants  found  in  the  colonies 
and  in  the  compulsory  \vorkhouses  art  very  noticeablv  Ji/etent  from  our 

typical  tramp  or  vagrant,   in   that   the    European 

Foreign  tramp  in  prison  is  much  older  than  our  typical 

Vagrants          youthful  or  young  adult  wanderer.     In  Mcrxplas 

Different.         and  in  Veenhui/en  the  young  tramp  was  a  rarity. 

Perhaps  ninety-five  per  cent,  it  would  seem,  of 
the  population  of  the  beggar  colonies  were  at  least  45  years  old.     The 
6 


#2  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

population  of  the  several  compulsory  workhouses  visited  in  Prussia 
averaged  somewhat  younger,  but  nevertheless  was  considerably  older 
than  the  members  of  our  tramp  army. 

Added  to  this  was  the  fact,  everywhere  observable,  that  the  great 
majority  of  the  tramps  and  vagrants  possessed  a  trade.  They  could 
accomplish  at  least  moderate  results  with  their  hands  and  they  seemed 
to  wish  to  do  satisfactory  work  to  a  reasonable  extent.  As  illustra- 
tions I  would  cite  the  tailoring  department,  the  shoe  making  depart- 
ment and  the  trunk  department  at  Merxplas,  and  the  weaving  and 
the  carpentry  work  at  Veenhuizen'.  The  great  majority  of  the 
vagrants  and  the  beggars  who  are  segregated  in  Holland,  Belgium  and 
in  Germany  are  men  who  know  how  to  do  things  with  their  hands 
and  heads  sufficiently  well  to  earn  a  living,  but  are  either  physically 
or  mentally  so  under-par  that  they  cannot  work  hard  enough  or  will 
not  save  money  enough  to  render  them  permanently  self-supporting. 
Hence  they  gravitate,  generally  without  any  criminal  instincts  or 
intentions,  into  vagabondage  or  mendicancy  and  are  arrested  and 
sent  or  returned  to  the  beggar  colony.  In  these  colonies,  under  a 
control  which  they  are  not  averse  to  and  with  a  shifting  of  responsi- 
bility which  they  are  glad  of,  they  produce  a  moderate  amount  of 
product  with  a  moderate  amount  of  pleasure  in  their  work.  The 
directors  of  the  colonies  and  other  representatives  of  the  departments 
of  justice  claim  that  the  men  are  happier  in  the  colonies  and  are  better 
off  by  far  than  they  would  be  outside. 

4.    The   beggar  colonies   and  the   compulsory  workhouses   are   in    no 

sense   reformatories.     The    importance   of  this    fact    cannot    be    over 

emphasized.     There  seems  to  be  a  rather  general 

Colonies  belief  in  the  United  States  that  farm  colonies  for 

Not  tramps  and  vagrants  will  be  important  reformative 

Reformatories,  agencies.  European  experience  is  directly  contrary 
to  this  belief.  European  sociologists,  directors 

of  colonies,  prison  physicians,  and  prison  commissioners  without 
exception  stated  emphatically  to  me  that  the  percentage  of  reforma- 
tion, by  which  is  meant  fairly  permanent  rehabilitation,  is  exceedingly 
small  from  the  colonies  and  the  compulsory  workhouses.  The  history 
of  beggar  colonies  in  Belgium  and  Holland  shows  that  these  colonies 
began  with  large  hopes  of  reformation,  but  that  in  the  course  of  years 
and  generations  it  has  become  manifest  that  the  tramp  and  vagrant 
is  what  he  is  through  a  lack  of  stamina,  will,  physique  or  brain 
(whatever  we  may  call  it  inth.e  individual  instance),  without  which  it  is 
impossible  for  him  to  lead  long  a  normal  and  self-supporting  existence. 

Just  as  we  in  the  United  States  are  coming  to  see  that  the  feeble- 
minded criminal  and  non-criminal  are  chronically  deficient  and  that 
feeble-mindedness  means  an  absence  of  a  quality  which  cannot  be 
replaced  or  cured,  so  as  to  vagrancy  and  its  twin  sister  mendicancy 
European  conclusions  are  emphatic  that  vagrancy  and  mendicancy, 
especially  in  the  more  advanced  stages,  must  be  regarded  as  mani- 
festations of  a  social  inefficiency  and  incompetency  which  require 
segregation  and  custodial  care,  in  most  instances  permanently  or  for 
long  periods. 


Weaving    Shop,    Beggar    Colony,    Merxplas,    Belgium 


Children  of  Officials  Being  Reviewed  by  Minister  of  Justice.  Beggar  Colony, 

Merxplas.   Belgium 


COLONIES  DETERRENT.  83 

If  ever  a  labor  colony  was  organized  and  conducted  with  the 
earnest  purpose  of  reformation  of  a  large  proportion  of  its  imnates, 
the  \oluntaiv  lahor  colonv  at  Bielefeld,  Prussia,  was  such  a  one.  Yet 
a  ft  i- 1  thim  \eais  the  parent  colony,  known  throughout  the  civilized 
world  ami  quoted  more  than  any  otner  of  its  kind,  bears  this  testimony 
through  its  secretary,  given  to  me  on  August  n,  10,11 :  "This  colony 
is  not  successful  in  reforming  many  men  or  in  making  them  perma- 
nently self-supporting.  This  colony  is  successful  in  furnishing,  as 
do  the  score  of  other  voluntary  colonies  in  Germany,  a  haven  to  the 
'brother  of  the  highway*  who  is  stranded  and  unable  to  live  honestly 
without  our  help.  This  colony  has  become  a  colony  not  for  the  per- 
manent rehabilitation  of  its  inmates,  but  for  the  temporary  succor 
of  those  who  seek  our  help.  A  large  proportion  of  our  'brothers' 
come  time  and  again  to  see  us.  They  think  themselves  strong 
enough  to  leave  us,  but  they  come  back.  If  they  do  not  come  to  us, 
the\  go  to  other  colonies  from  time  to  time.  Many  of  our  colonists 
are  disciplined  prisoners.  Many  of  them  are  at  times  in  the  volun- 
tatv  labor  colonies,  at  times  in  the  compulsory  workhouses.  We  have 
many  instances  of  successful  reformation  and  rehabilitation,  but  the 
voluntary  labor  colony  as  represented  by  Bielefeld  colony  has  not 
soKed  the  problem  of  the  elimination  of  the  tramp." 

(  >n   the   other   hand,  opinion   is  general  that  the  compulsory  labor 
colony  as   represented  bv  the  heggar  colon v  or  compulsory  u-ork  house 
is  of  great  value  as  a  deterrent  and  as  a  custodial 
Colonies  institution.       None    of    the    countries    would,   I 

Deterrent.         believe,  give  up  the  colony  idea,  although  state- 
ments  were    frequently    made    that    the   colonies 
should  be  smaller,  classification  more  developed,  and  efforts  of  influence 
for  the  betterment  of  individual  colonists  should  be  more  frequent  and 
\  a  mil.      At  Merxplas  the  secretary  general  of  the  Belgian  department 
of  justice,  who  is  the  administrative  head  of  the  Belgian  prison  system, 
.1  to  me  that  Belgium  is  planning  numerous  smaller  colonies  totake 
the    plan    of   Merxplas.     The    feeling    is    pronounced    in    Belgium. 
Holland  and  Germany  that  the  most  that  can  be  achieved  by  any 
present  method  of  dealing  with  vagrants  is  the  gradual  reduction  of 
the  mimlui  of  vagrants,  the  deterrence  of  many  would-be  vagrants, 
and  the  segregation  of  a  large   number  of  inevitable  vagrants  and 
.us  where  they  may  do  the  least  harm  to  society  at  a  minimum 
expense  to  society. 

Although  vagrants  in  the  colonies  and  the  workhouses  manifest  in 
«:< -neial  a  restlessness  and  a  frequent  desire  for  liberty,  they  aie  them- 
s»l\«  i  .iware  that  their  condition  in  general  is  better  in  the  colonies 
than  outside.  Indeed,  at  Merxplas  and  particularly  at  Vcenhuizcn 
the  American  visitor  finds  a  beauty  of  landscape  and  a  condition  of 
intensi\e  development  of  garden  and  meadow,  grove  and  forest, 
canal  and  highway,  that  render  both  institutions  sccnically  beautiful. 
The  Prussian  compulsory  workhouse,  Brauweiler,  is  most  attract- 
ivelv  located  in  a  renovated  monastery,  some  of  the  original  buildings 
of  \\hich  are  looo  years  old.  The  spacious  rooms,  the  impressive 
arched  corridors,  the  striking  central  courts  and  the  cloisters,  as  well 


84  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

as  the  well-preserved  cloister  church  dating  back  to  the  tenth  century » 
are  all  impressive  and  even  awe-inspiring.  The  workhouse  prisoners 
eat  in  cloistered  passages  where  500  years  ago  the  monks  had  their 
daily  meals.  The  prisoners  worship  in  a  church  used  by  royalty  and 
nobles  at  the  time  of  the  Crusades.  Even  a  spreading  mulberry  tree 
in  one  of  the  court  yards,  furnishing  shade  from  time  to  time  for 
some  of  the  inmates,  was  planted  a  thousand  years  ago  by  the  founders 
of  the  monastery.  In  Rummelsburg,  adjacent  to  Berlin,  the  walled 
workhouse  embraces  ample  grounds,  a  spacious  garden  and 
attractive  buildings.  At  Veenhuizen  in  Holland,  the  heath  has  been 
made  to  blossom  like  the  rose  and  no  finer  views  of  Holland  scenery 
can  be  found  than  those  in  the  midst  of  the  9000  acres  embraced  by 
the  colony. 

5.  Not  only  do  the  vagrants  live  under  such  surroundings,  but  in 
nearly  all  instances  they  and  their  predecessors  have  thus  created  their 

surroundings.     Merxplas  and  Veenhuizen  were  as 

Colonist  the  rest  of  the  heath  when  they  were  founded. 

Labor.  Today  the  cold  north  wind,  blowing  down  from 

the  North  sea,  is  checked  before  striking  the 
grounds  and  buildings  of  Veenhuizen  by  forests  planted  by  colonists 
a  generation  or  more  ago.  The  large  dormitories  accommodating 
500  men  each  in  which  the  Merxplas  colonists  sleep  were  built  by 
former  colonists,  most  of  whom  have  passed  away.  The  arable  farm 
land  of  Merxplas,  which  now  supplies  the  bulk  of  the  vegetable 
products  needed  by  the  colony,  was  made  fertile  by  gangs  of  colonists 
in  previous  years,  who  rooted  out  the  weeds  and  heather  and  utilized 
the  street  sweepings  of  Antwerp  in  a  mixture  of  top  soil.  Shops, 
churches,  officers'  quarters,  farm  buildings,  farm  implements  and 
wagons  have  been  built  by  the  colonists  in  these  several  institutions. 
Stock  has  been  bred  and  raised  at  the  colonies,  and  to  the  maximum 
extent  the  colonies  are  rendered  self-supporting.  In  addition, 
industries  are  maintained  to  the  maximum  extent  possible  with  hand 
and  foot  power,  it  being  still  a  literal  principle  in  the  colonies  and  in 
the  workhouses  that  by  the  sweat  of  his  brow  shall  the  colonist  earn 
his  bread.  Oftentimes  the  rigor  of  the  work  impressed  me 
unpleasantly,  particularly  the  weaving  by  hand  and  foot  power  at 
Merxplas  and  at  Veenhuizen. 

In  short,  one  of  the  important  lessons  taught  by  the  colonies  and 
the  workhouses  is  that  there  is  to  be  found  in  tramps  and  vagrants, 
at  least  in  central  Europe,  a  large  amount  of  latent  productivity, 
which,  directed  normally  and  under  conditions  offering  the  least 
resistence,  can  be  made  financially  profitable  to  the  state. 

6.  European    vagrants    and    beggars    seem    seldom    malicious    and 
vicious.     The   colonies   in   Belgium   and   Holland   are   not   regarded 

as  penal  institutions,  and  in  Prussia  as  only  semi- 
Colonists  penal.     Discipline  is  comparatively  easy,  the  pro- 
Not  portion   of  infractions   of  rules   being   largely   in 
Malicious.          proportion  to  the  tact,  discretion  and  humanity 
of  the  director  and  of  his  assistants.     Throughout 
the  Merxplas  colony  the  words  docility  and  obedience  kept  recurring 


COLONISTS  NOT  MALICIOUS.  85 

t<>  my  miiul.  In  Merxplas  and  Vecnhui/cn  the  men  come  and  go, 
\virhmir  the  restriction  of  walls.  Kscape  is  easy  and  the  possibilities 
are  often  taken  advantage  of.  As  noted  in  the  special  chapters  that 
follow,  little  is  done  to  prevent  these  escapes  so  long  as  the  colonists 
show  a  disposition  to  re-estahlish  themselves  in  industrial  life.  "  Peace 
ami  <Nx.il  \\ill"  seem  to  he  mottos  in  the  colonies.  In  the  Merx- 
plas colonv  one  finds  many  mottos  printed  in  French  and  Flemish, 
admonishing  the  colonists  to  forsake  the  vices  and  cleave  to  the 
virtues.  Other  religious  influences,  however,  are  not  very  noticeable. 
By  comparison,  the  atmosphere  of  Bielefeld,  a  voluntary  labor  colony 
of  Prussia,  seems  permeated  with  devoutness  and  outward  religious 
observance. 

While  further  comparison  of  the  colonies  visited  would  be  perhaps 
profitable,  it  is  probably  better  to  leave  to  the  special  chapters  the 
description  of  many  of  the  interesting  details  of  organi/ation  and 
administration.  Following  the  special  chapters,  it  will  be  my  effort 
to  consider  further  our  American  problem  in  the  light  of  European 
experience  and  to  make  certain  suggestions  looking  to  the  organization 
and  operation  of  an  American  labor  colony  along  lines  suggested  by 
the  European  experiences  of  a  century. 


GUjapter 


MERXPLAS,  A   BELGIAN   BEGGAR  COLONY 

NO  careful  study  of  the  treatment  of  vagrancy  can  neglect  Merxplas' 
Wortel  and  Hoogstraeten,  the  famous  beggar  colonies  of  Belgium, 
situated  about  twenty  miles  northeast  of  Antwerp.  Merxplas  is 
a  compulsory  colony  for  more  hardened  vagrants  and  mendicants,  has 
an  area  of  about  3000  acres,  and  is  surrounded  by  heath  and  marshes. 
It  is  a  village  in  itself,  with  administration  buildings,  great  dormitories 
and  refectories,  shops,  church,  hospital,  farm  buildings,  sheds,  and 
a  population  of  from  6000  to  7000  colonists,  with  a  staff  of  over  100 
employees.  Some  miles  distant  are  the  colonies  of  Wortel,  for  first 
offenders  (vagrants  and  mendicants),  and  Hoogstraeten  for  incapaci- 
tated persons  of  the  same  class.  So  close  to  the  western  frontier  of 
Holland  is  Merxplas  that  some  of  the  Merxplas  lands  are  in  Holland. 
The  colonies  are  reached  from  Antwerp  by  a  steam  tram  that  for 
nearly  three  hours  tries  the  extreme  patience  of  the  traveler. 

Merxplas  and  its  sister  colonies  cannot  be  well  understood  without 
some  knowledge  of  the   Belgian  penal  code  relative  to  mendicancy 
and    vagabondage.     The    colonies   were    founded 
Belgian  in   1823  by  Dutch  benevolent  societies  as  colony 

Penal  homes  for  indigent  families.     In   1870,  Belgium, 

Code.  then    long    separated    nationally    from    Holland, 

bought  the  colonies  and  concentrated  here  at 
Merxplas,  Wortel  and  Hoogstraeten  the  "human  derelict  heaps" 
that  for  many  years  had  been  increasing  in  population  through  inef- 
fectual treatment  of  mendicants  and  vagrants  in  may  local  depots 
de  mendicite.  Conditions  in  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  in 
Belgian  institutions  were  analogous  to  present  vagrancy  conditions 
in  county  penitentiaries  and  county  jails  in  New  York.  Vagabondage 
and  begging  were  punished  with  light  and  brief  imprisonment,  after 
hurried  consideration  of  the  individual  case  by  the  magistrates. 

The  Belgian  penal  code  of  1867,  still  in  use  today,  defines  vagabond- 
age in  the  same  terms  as  the  French  penal  code,  as  follows:  "Vaga- 
bondage is  a  misdemeanor.  Vagabonds  are  those  without  known 
residence,  or  means  of  support,  who  habitually  have  neither  occupa- 
tion nor  trade."  To  these  three  facts  of  no  work,  no  means,  no 
residence,  is  added  in  practice  by  the  court,  in  arriving  at  a  decision, 
the  question  of  intention  on  the  part  of  the  accused  to  remain  idle. 

According  to  Belgian  law  the  following  cases  of  vagrancy  are 
punished:  (a)  Entering  of  dwellings  without  permission  of  owner 
for  purposes  of  begging;  begging  with  pretence  of  wounds  or  infirmity; 
begging  in  company  with  others;  imprisonment  from  eight  days  to  one 
month,  (b)  Begging  or  vagabondage  in  disguise;  imprisonment  from 
eight  days  to  two  months,  (c)  Begging  or  vagabondage  with  false 

86 


Courtyard,  Brauweiler  Workhouse.  Germany 


Workhouse  Yard.   Brauweiler.   Germany 


Si  «.KI  <.\ii«.N   FOR  YEARS.  87 


witnesses,  with  pasM-s  <>(  \\aiult-r-cards,  with  weapons,  files,  etc.; 
three  months  to  one  yem  .  .1  15.  L^ing  with  threats  a^.imsf  person  or 
properrv;  imprisonment  from  'in,-  month  to  one  year;  if  accompanied  b? 
violence,  .TV  months  to  three  \ears. 

Begins  a  ml  \a»al>i>Mils  convicted  under  the  above  captions  may 
atn-i  thur  imprisonment  he  placed  under  police  supervision  for  periods 
of  from  five  to  ten  years. 

In  1870  the  local  depots  Je  mtnJieite  (beggar  prisons)  were  dis- 
continued and  in  their  place  were  created  the  neighboring  agricultural 
beggar  colonies  of  Hoogstraeten,  Wortel  and  Merxplas.  From  1870 
to  1890  begging  and  vagabondage  continued  to  increase  until  in  1891 
Belgium  adopted  a  comprehensive  law  "for  the  repression  of  vagi- 
bondage  and  mendicity."  This  law  deserves  our  attention. 

The  thesis  upon  which  the  law  was  based  was  that  "rebellion 
against  the  laws  relating  to  labor,  and  habitual  intentional  idleness 
alone,  justify  correctional  measures;  society  may  punish  only  those 
who  will  not  work."  Let  us  note  that  the  man  out  of  work  is  not 
necessarily  a  vagrant,  nor  is  that  beggar  culpable  who  unwillingly 
"extends  the  hand"  through  force  of  misfortune.  All  the  more 
severe  is  the  law  with  the  intentional  work-shy  or  beggar,  for  every 
vagabond  must,  and  every  beggar  may  be  arrested  and  arraigned  before 
the  magistrate  who  may,  after  careful  investigation,  sentence  to 
confinement  ("segregation"  would  be  an  excellent  English  synonym) 
in  a  depot  de  mendicite  for  from  two  to  seven  years  able-bodied  persons 
who  instead  of  earning  their  living  by  legitimate  work  exploit  charity 
as  professional  beggars,  or  .  who  live  in  idleness,  drunkenness  or 
otherwise  disorderly  conditions  in  a  state  of  vagrancy.  To  these 
classes  have  been  added  the  cadets  ("pimps,"  souteneurs  de  filles 
publiques). 

In   short,   intentional   vagrancy   and    mendicancy,   in   the   case  of 

able-bodied  persons,  has  been  punishable  since  1891  in  Belgium  by 

compulsory   segregation   in    a    beggar  colony   for 

Segregation        from  two  to  seven  years.     To  cover  the  case  of 

For  Years.         the   occasional   or   the    unintentional   vagrant   or 

beggar,  the  law  provides  that  the  court  may  dis- 

charge the  less  serious  case  or  commit  the  offender  to  a  maison  Je 

refuge  (Wortel  and  Hoogstraeten  for  men,  Bruges  for  women),  where 

the  offender  may  not  be  detained  longer  than  one  year  against  his 

will,  nor  beyond  the  time  when  his  earnings  shall   have  reached  a 

certain  sum  (generally  about  $3.00).     The  minister  of  justice,  who 

in  Belgium  is  the  responsible  head  of  the  entire  prison  system  of  the 

nation,  may  release  before  the  expiration  of  sentence. 

As  a  distinction  is  made  between  the  able-bodied  (Merxplas  and 
Wortel)  and  the  incapacitated  (Hoogstraeten),  so  also  between  those 
over  18  years  of  age  and  those  of  lesser  years.  Habitual  mendicancy 
or  vagabondage  in  those  under  18  years  is  punished  by  sentence  to 
a  reform  school,  with  the  age  of  majority  as  a  maximum.  Children 
under  thirteen  in  such  schools  are  separated  from  older  children. 
Of  course  a  child  may  in  time  be  indentured  or  sent  back  to  his 
parents. 


88  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

Noteworthy  in  comparison  with  American  methods  is  the  above- 
cited  fact  that  Belgium  has  done  away  with  the  short  sentencing  of 
vagrants  and  beggars,  having  learned  the  futility  of  short  sentencing' 
Holland,  Belgium,  Germany,  England  and  Scotland  all  bore  witness, 
on  my  trip,  to  the  uselessness  of  short  and  repeated  convictions. 

Belgium  possesses  at  Brussels  a  very  complete  central  registration 
bureau  for  records  of  mendicants  and  vagrants.  Cases  under  arrest 
must  be  heard  by  the  court  within  twenty-four  hours,  and  the  tele- 
graph is  brought  frequently  into  play  to  complete  the  records  of  the 
arrested  person. 

Now,  what  is  Merxplas  ?  One  of  the  leading  officers  of  this  beggar 
colony  answered  me:  "A  vast  receptacle  for  human  beings;  a  human 
refuse  heap."  Between  six  and  seven  thousand 
What  is  men  are  here  detained.  Imprisonment  in  the 

Merxplas?  penal  sense  does  not  exist.  The  dormitories  and 
shops  are  not  surrounded  by  walls;  the  farm  lands 
and  the  church  are  unconfined.  Indeed,  ready  means  of  escape  are 
apparent  on  all  sides,  and  actual  escapes  number  approximately 
twelve  hundred  annually.  In  1910,  there  were  1,197  escapes.  In 
the  same  year,  1,026  persons  were  returned  after  having  escaped. 
On  one  day  the  number  of  escapes  has  risen  to  seventeen.  What 
seems  to  the  American  visitor  a  strange  indifference  of  the  adminis- 
tration toward  such  escapes  does  not  seem  remarkable  to  the,  Belgian 
department  of  justice.  "These  men  are  here  because  they  cannot 
exist  by  honesty  outside.  If  an  escaped  colonist  can  maintain  him- 
self when  at  liberty,  the  state  is  the  gainer  by  one  less  inmate.  If 
the  colonist  goes  to  begging  again,  he  is  soon  arrested  and  returned 
here.  Few  colonists,  whether  escaped  or  discharged,  ever  perma- 
nently succeed  in  becoming  self-supporting — one  in  one  hundred.  A 
number  will  keep  their  heads  above  water  for  a  year  or  two,  and  then 
be  brought  back  here." 

Merxplas,  therefore,  is  not  a  reformatory  colony,  but  a  custodial 
colony,  with  a  three-fold  way  out:  by  ultimate  discharge,  by  pardon 
through  the  minister  of  justice  (readily  given  when  seemingly  justified), 
or  by  escape.  Eighty-five  per  cent  of  the  inmates  are  more  or  less 
alcoholic;  the  fact  explains  largely  the  great  amount  of  recidivism. 

Belgium  is  not  trying  to  abolish  vagrancy  and  mendicancy;  has 
no  hope  of  doing  so.  Nor  have  any  of  the  other  countries  I  visited, 
(Holland,  Germany,  England,  Scotland).  Belgium  aims  to  concen- 
trate, to  corrall,  its  vagrants  and  mendicants  in  one  locality,  removing 
them  from  boulevard,  street,  highway  and  lane,  and  assembling  them 
where  their  partial  powers  of  labor  and  industrial  production  may 
be  used  for  the  state's  benefit.  There  are  always  mendicants  and 
vagrants  in  Belgium  outside  of  Merxplas  and  its  sister  colonies,  but 
most  beggars  and  vagrants  pass  through  Merxplas  a  number  of  times 
and  pass  most  of  their  time  there.  Furthermore,  the  citizens  of  Bel- 
gium know  that  Merxplas  exists  and  that  indiscriminate  charity  is 
not  necessary. 


MERXPLAS  POPULATION.  89 

The  following  tables  show  graphically  the  movement  of  the  Mcrx- 
plas  population. 

1910 

I»t.il  admissions 4.{n7 

Total  departures 4,4?5 

Population,  December  31,  lyio 5.49* 

Of  the  admissions: 

Direct 2,930 

By  transfer 411 

Returned  after  escape 1,026 

Of  the  departures: 

Kxpiration  of  term 1,520 

Bv  act  of  nun, .;,  i 1,085 

Conducted  to  frontier i  • 

Transferred 467 

I  M-aped 1,197 

Dit  (1 155 

Of  the  population  (5,492)  in  the  colony  on  December  31,  1910 
there  had  been  already  placed  at  the  disposition  of  the  government: 

Once 501 

Twice ..  554 

Three  times 122 

Four  or  more  times 3.^2 

5,059 

Of  special  significance  is  the  fact  that  the  great  bulk  of  the  popu- 
lation is  made  up  of  repeaters,  only  501  out  of  5,059  being  Hrst-comers 
in  a  compulsory  beggar  colony.  That  the  population  fluctuates 
greatly  during  the  year  is  evident  from  the  following  tables,  though 
the  summer  and  winter  populations  of  our  New  York  jails  and  peni- 
tentiaries that  house  tramps  in  idleness  show  much  greater  variations 


POPULATION  TAUI.KS 


Population  on  the  first  of  each  month,  1910. 

January  ............  5«5°o  Ju'v  S«°4^ 

February  ......  5»5°7  August..  5.O.J9 

March  ......  5,7'*  September.  5.O43 

April  .........  5»5(H  October  $."5 

May  ......  .....  5.*7°  November  5,228 

June  .................  5»°95  December  ........  5.374 


9o 


THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


Average  population,  first  day  of  month,  in  1910,  5,302  persons. 
Average  population,  1901-1910,  by  years. 

1901 4.124  1906. 


1902. 
1903. 
1904. 
1905. 


4,616 
4,683 
5,002 


1907 
1908 
1909 
1910 


4,935 
4,716 
5,029 
5,352 
5,305 


Average  population  of  year  1910,  5,305  persons. 
Highest  population  (February  25)  5,729. 
Lowest  population,  (August  6,  7)  5,009. 


- 

First 
day  of 
month 

Average 
in 
month 

Highest 
in 
month 

Lowest 
in 
month 

January  

1,168 

r  6lO 

c  667 

r  r68 

February    

1  671 

r  7QT 

c  72Q 

c  671 

March  

1,708 

c  64.3 

1,7l8 

c.  164. 

April  ^ 

C.c6l 

1  4.6l 

1.161 

1.276 

May  

1.276 

1,186 

1,282 

1.OOC 

June  

c  .104. 

C.Q4.6 

1.IO4 

1.OI7 

July.  - 

1.O11 

C.04.2 

1,064 

1.OIQ 

August.  . 

1,031 

1.O3O 

1.O1O 

1.OOQ 

September  

1.016 

1,074. 

1,111 

1.O1O 

October      

C    I  I  I 

C  .ICC 

5,228 

1.Oo8 

November  

C.2^6 

C.7Q4. 

S.^74. 

1.2^6 

December  

r,28l 

1.4.34. 

1,407 

5,38l 

POPULATION  TABLES 

1901     1902     1903 


1904 


1905 


Highest  daily  popu- 
lation   

4,689 
31  Dec. 

4,850 
31  Dec. 

5,014 

31  Dec. 

5,136 
24  Feb. 

5,339 
2  March 

Average  daily  popu- 
lation   

4.  124. 

44.76 

4.  616 

4.68^ 

1.OO2 

Lowest  daily  popu- 
lation   

3,794 
14  May 

4,048 
8  Tulv 

4,239 
6  Tulv 

4,226 

14.    Tulv 

4,725 

7  August 

U     JLI1/ 

v  J"V 

1906 


1907 


1908 


1909 


1910 


Highest  daily  popu- 
lation   

5,484 
23  Feb. 

5,2°4 
22  Feb. 

5,492 
31  Dec. 

5,6i7 
26  Feb. 

5,729 
25  Feb. 

Average  daily  popu- 
lation   

4,935 

4,7  J  6 

5,029 

5,352 

5,305 

Lowest  daily  popu- 
lation   

4,580 
16  August 

4,366 
in  August 

4,707 
10  Tune 

5-J29 
11  Tune 

5,009 
6—7  August 

THE  INDUSTRIES.  91 

A  second  point.     Merxplas  is  not  a  penal  colony  in  appearance, 

but  resembles  in  population  far  more  that  of  a  great  American  alms- 

house  like  the  BlackweH's  Island  city  home  for 

Not  a  the    aged    and    infirm.      And    a    comparison    of 

Penal  Colony,     administration  and  results  is  not  favorable  to  the 

American  institution.     At  the  BlackweH's  Island 

almshouse  we   find   the  "in-and-out"  habit  with   little  or  no  com- 

pulsion  by  the  authorities  to  check  the  pauper  from  leaving.     We 

find  there  almost  two  thousand  old  men  idling  mournfully  through 

their  declining  days.     We  find  the  almshouse  a  heavy  burden  on  the 

city.     The  more  able-bodied  men  are  employed  in  the  farm-colony 

at  Staten  Island. 

\r  Merxplas,  approximately  two-thirds  of  the  population  are  able- 
bodied  and  work  at  varied  trades.  The  census  of  the  population 
on  December  31,  1910,  showed  the  following  general  classes  of  occu- 
pations, and  percentages: 

TABLE  SHOWING  OCCUPATIONS  OF  THE  POPULATION  ON  THE  LAST 
WORKING  DAY  OF  1910. 


srrVK-e  .....  .......                   Q4I 

Farm  and  field  ........  .......           1,144           *3% 

Industrial  ........................  ..........          2,034           37% 

Unoccupied  .......  399 

(  K-cupied  at  the  colony  of  Hoogstraeten  ................  1  59            2% 

At  Wortel  ...............................  4« 

At  Rcckheim  .....................  303            6% 


Total  ......  5,492         100% 

An  American  visitor  must  be  impressed  with  the  great  variety  of 

trades  pursued.     Among  them  are  the  following:     Weaving,  spinning, 

printing,  tailoring,  tanning,  foundry  work,  black- 

The  smithing,  mat  making,  trunk  making,  shoemaking 

Industries.        and  cobbling,  carpet  making,  the  manufacture  of 

cement  blocks,  concrete,  bricks,  furniture,  wagons, 

carriages,  pearl  buttons,  preparation  of  tobacco.     Great  shops  accom- 

modate the  more  generally  practiced  trades.     Rarely  is  power  mach- 

inery employed,  and  an   unique  power  producer  is  a  great  capstan 

manned  by  some  sixty  men.  in  two  shifts,  who  slowly  push  the  caps- 

tan, which  generates  power  that  is  transmitted  by  belts  and  which 

Hicient  for  all  the  grinding  instruments  of  a  large  shop. 
The  following  tables  shows  the  admissions  for  1910,  classified  in 
general  industrial  divisions: 

INDUSTRIAL  TABLE 
T.iMe  showing  admissions  for  n>io,  classified  in  general  industrial  divisions. 

Laborers,  gardeners,  farmers,  etc  ----  3*9 

Miners..  ..................  -  ...................  "9 


92  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

Textile  industries 184 

Leather  and  skins 23 

Industries  in  wood 32 

Metallurgy 14 

Metal  manufacturing 184 

Ceramics 14 

Food  supplies 123 

Clothing  and  toilet. 216 

Furniture 46 

Building  trades 574 

Transportation  articles 16 

Electricity,  chauffeurs,  firemen,  etc 117 

.Arts,  science,   letters,  etc 54 

Transportation 226 

Commerce 76 

Domestic  work 25 

Unclassified 558 


2,93° 

The  products  of  the  industries  more  than  pay  for  themselves.  So 
far  as  possible  the  products  are  utilized  by  the  government  or  political 
subdivision  of  the  state.  There  is  found  at  Merxplas  contract  work 
in  trunks,  pearl  buttons  and  some  other  branches.  The  secretary- 
general  of  the  Belgian  prison  stated  to  me  that  he  is  eliminating  the 
contractors  as  fast  as  possible. 

The  farm  at  Merxplas,  though  extensive,  is  not  so  profitable  as 
the  industries.  The  financial  statement  for  1910  shows  that  the 
institution  is  very  far  from  being  self-supporting,  and  is  mainly 
dependent  upon  per  capita  payments  from  the  state,  the  provinces 
and  the  communes. 

FINANCIAL  STATEMENT, 

Receipts  and  expenditures,  compared  with  average  receipts  and  expenditures, 

1900-1910. 

Average 

1910  1900-1910 

RECEIPTS                                                                       Francs  Francs 

Maintenance  of  inmates 1,840,695  1,498,398 

Farm 30,000  23,540 

Workshops 475,000  372,500 

Sundry 120,475  99>44J 


Total 2,466,170         1,993,779 


'The  franc  is  valued  at  $.193. 


EARNINGS  OK  COLONISTS.  93 


EXPENDITURES 

Salaries  

*50.<>57 

I.iluaiv  and  school  

5.750 

Buildings  and  furnishings  

62,000 

Clothing,  luvl^injF  and  food  

708,800 

Remuneration  to  inmates  

360,000 

(  )Hice  i  \|u  uses  

63,800 

Manufacturing  

400,000 

rarni  

74*600 

Sundrv  

25,200 

4,»)8o 


615,272 
287,742 

45,77* 
355.86$ 

55,i4« 
22,270 

T«»tal....  1,950,207         1,667,825 

/      ,  ss  tif  rtitipts  o'ctr  f\f>tnJiturfs  ...............  515,962         '  325,954 

Mri  \plas  is  therefore,  a  "going  concern"  only  because  for  every 

able-bodied  man  committed  to  the  colony  the  sum  of  sixty-six  cen- 

times (13  cents)  per  day  is  paid  in  equal  parts 

The  Cost.          by    state,    province    and    commune.     Non-able- 

bodied  colonists  are  supported  similarly  by  state, 

province  and  commune  at  the  rate  of  one  franc  and  fifty  centimes 

(30  American  cents)  a  day,  paid  in  equal  parts  (io  American  cents 

r.K-hi  by  the  three  parties.     The  administration  of  the  colony  may 

hope  for  no  further  subsidy  from  the  government,  even  for  improve- 

ments, new  buildings  or  other  extensions  of  the  work. 

Kortv  years  ago  the  property  consisted  of  but  several  small  farms 

and  an  area  of  approximately   1,500  acres  of  heath  and  woodland. 

A  recent  estimate  indicates  a  total  valuation  of  the  property  of  £i,- 

000,000,  the  increase  in  value  being  derived  wholly  from  the  labor 

of  the  colonists,  who,  supported  by  their  own  work  and  by  the  per 

capita  grants,  have  built  all  the  additional  buildings  and  cultivated 

all  the  now  arable  land.     The  government  has  made,  it  is  said,  no 

further  appropriations,  save  the  per  capita  subsidies  above  referred 

i  nee  its  initial  advances  on  several  occasions  of  5zo,OOO,  which 

subsequently  paid  off  by  the  colony. 

The  colonists  are  stimulated  to  activity  by  daily  wages  and,  in 

many  industries,  by  the  joy  of  work.     The  earnings  of  the  colonists 

depend  upon  the  financial  value  of  the  occupa- 

Earnings  of       tion.     Able-bodied    colonists    earn    at    industrial 

Colonists.         work  from  three  to  five  cents  a  day;  at  farm  work, 

from  two  and  one-half  to  four  cents;  at  domestic, 

garden  and  other  work  from  two  and  one-half  to  four  cents.     Numer- 

ous offices  of  trust  are  paid  for  at  the  rate  of  from  four  to  six  cents, 

and  even  in  the  punishment  division  from  two  to  three  cents  daily 

in.  i\  be  earned. 

The  following  tables  show  in  detail  the  methods  of  payment  of 
earnings  to  colonists,  and  also  the  total  earnings  of  colonists,  as  well 
as  supplementary  "canteen  money"  to  the  unemployed  and  inca- 
pacitated, during  a  decade. 


94 


THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


PAYMENTS  TO  CoLONisTs1 

Able-bodied  colonists: 

Industrial,  construction,  maintenance  of  buildings.. 

Special  farm  work 

Farm  and  forest 

Domestic  or  simple 

Special,  confidential,  requiring  more  aptitude. 

Undergoing  discipline 


Minimum  Maximum 
centimes      centimes 


0.15 

0.  12 
0.12 
O.  12 
O.2O 
O.  IO 


0.25 
O.2I 

0.18 
0.18 
0.30 
0.15 


Persons  not  working  by  artificial  light  during  the  winter  receive  from  Novem- 
ber ist,  one-third  less  wages. 

In  general,  all  categories  of  workers  begin  at  the  minimum  wage. 

A  slight  bonus  of  4  to  6  centimes  may  be  given  daily  to  the  volunteer  firemen, 
and  3  centimes  to  readers,  singers  and  "prayers." 

Non-able-bodied  colonists,  unable  to  work,  receive  a  daily  gratuity  of  3  cen- 
times. 

If,  at  discharge,  the  amount  saved  up  by  the  colonist  does  not  aggregate 
five  francs,  the  deficit  is  made  up  by  the  administration,  in  the  case  of  deserv- 
ing colonists. 

TABLE  SHOWING  SALARIES  AND  SUPPLEMENTS  PAID  TO  COLONISTS 
FROM  1901  TO  1910,  INCLUSIVE 


YEARS 

Average 
popu- 
lation . 

Francs 

Salaries 
Francs 

Canteen 
money 

Francs 

Supple- 
ments 

Francs    . 

IQOI       

4..  124. 

24.0.082 

95,086 

22,74.7 

IQ02.    . 

4,436 

264,576 

128,180 

10,723 

IQOI     . 

4,6  1  6 

276,846 

135.785 

I  1,71  1 

IQO4..    . 

4,683 

2Q4.v4.83 

14.5.184. 

0,788 

IQCK.    . 

5,  OO2 

3IQA78 

157,665 

I3,Q7Q 

1906 

4.  035 

732.4.26 

I64..O33 

IQ,287 

IQO7     . 

A.7  1  6 

332.66Q 

1*64,5  1  1 

2I.S-K 

1908  

5.O2Q 

352.803 

176.14.8 

23,488 

IQOQ.    . 

5.352 

363,364. 

l8l,5IQ 

23,701 

IQIO.    . 

5.3O5 

364.,3l8 

l82,40Q 

24,144 

In  short,  with  the  institution  receiving  in   1910  the  sum  total  of 
2,466,170  francs   or    $475,970,  it  paid    back  to    colonists    in    earn- 
ings, canteen   money,   and   supplements  the  sum 
Daily  Per         of  570,871   francs,  or   $110,178.     If  one    should 
Capita  Cost.        deduct   from   the   total   receipts   of  Merxplas   the 
stipends   from   state  and   province  and  commune 
paid  for  maintenance  of  inmates   (1,840,695  francs),  and  from  the 

JThe  centime  is  valued    at  $.002. 


Wash  Room,  Beggar  Colony,  Marxplas,  Belgium. 


Minister  of  Justice  Inspecting  Marxplas.  Belgium.  Beggar  Colony.  August  8, 

1911. 


DAILY  PER  CAPITA  COST.  95 

disbursements  the  amount  paid  to  inmates  for  their  labor,  it  would 
be  found  that  the  deficit  of  Merxplas  was  in  1910  approximately 
750,000  francs,  or  approximately  $144,750,  which  with  an  average 
daily  population  of  5,305  gives  an  annual  per  capita  cost  of  slightly 
over  $27,  or  a  daily  per  capita  cost  of  5. 08,  certainly  a  small  sum  in 
comparison  with  the  daily  per  capita  cost  in  1909  of  the  workhouse 
<>n  BUckwell's  Island  of  5.42.  To  be  sure,  the  workhouse  has  some 
earnings  through  the  labor  of  its  inmates,  but  these  earnings  are  not 
computed  in  its  annual  report  nor  can  the  department  of  correction 
state  what  the  earnings  from  the  labor  of  prisoners  are. 

The  following  table  shows  the  distribution  of  the  payments  made 
to  colonists  in  1910. 

Franc; 

Kmplnud  in  new  construction  and  maintenance  of  buildings 16,589 

Employed  in  manufacturing ' 45*737 

Employed  in  farm  work  and  upkeep  of  plant. 57.79' 

Employed  in  forests  and  on  roads 4*7*9 

.  ..         139,473 


364.3  «9 

The  joy  in  work  is  plainly  visible  in  many  shops  where  the  most 
skilled  industries  are  conducted.  Excellent  pieces  of  carving,  car- 
pi-urn, weaving,  trunk  making  and  the  like  were  conspicuous.  Bel- 
gian vagrants  are  largely  workmen  "going  to  seed,"  so  to  speak. 
Nt.iiK  all  have,  or  have  had,  a  trade.  Through  alcoholism  or  other 
perverted  habits  they  are  unable  to  control  or  manage  themselves 
"outside;"  "inside"  they  shift  easily  all  responsibility  to  the  officers, 
and  under  direction  are  led  to  produce  a  moderate  product  in  their 
ti.itlc.  <  )iu-  often  wonders  in  continental  countries  whether  much  of 
the  docility  and  lack  of  initiative  is  not  due  to  traditional  class 
subordination,  both  socially  and  industrially. 

Yet  within  Merxplas  there  is  a  considerable  effort  at  classification 
by  the  administration.  On  April  I,  1910,  there  were  nine  classes: 

(1)  Juveniles  (18  to  21  years) 39 

(2)  Invalids,  able  to  work  a  little I.33& 

(3)  Invalids,  incurable 153 

(4)  First  offenders  confined,  but  not  in  cells 58 

15)  Recidivists,  degenerates,  weak  minded 301 

((•>)  Incendiaries 79 

(7)  Pederasts,  immoral,  souteneurs 89 

(8)  Dangerous 190 

(9)  Able-bodied,  well  behaved  ..  3,5*1 

These  various  classes  are  kept  in  various  sections  of  the  colony, 
the  courtyards  and  the  dormitories  and  refectories  being  specially 


96  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

constructed  for  such  classification.  For  instance,  the  recidivists  who 
are  less  tractable  are  segregated,  as  are  also  the  immoral,  the  dan- 
gerous, the  vicious  and  the  youthful.  A  natural  segregation  of  the 
invalids  and  incapacitated  occurs.  Yet  the  Belgian  government  is 
far  from  satisfied,  and  smaller  new  colonies,  to  supplant  Merxplas, 
are  contemplated. 

The  most  concrete  inducement  to  good  behavior  and  industry  is 
the  "canteen,"  where  the  colonist  may  spend  one-half  of  his  earn- 
ings, the  other  half  being  retained  and  saved  by 
The          •     the  administration  against  the  day  of  his  discharge. 
Canteen.  During  a  typical  year,  1910,  articles  to  the  total 

value  of  102,330  francs  ($19,749)  were  purchased 
by  colonists  at  the  canteen.  The  principal  items  purchased  and  the 
receipts  were  the  following: 

Francs 

Milk 157-12 

Beer 2,168.52 

Rolls 27,437.64 

Smoking  tobacco 1 1,239.76 

Powdered  tobacco 87.39 

Herrings 5>787-54 

Pork  fat 14,712.48 

Lard 6,860.28 

Butter 124.80 

Cheese 3>342-24 

Coffee 4,433.06 

Chicory 2,250.76 

Soap 207.12 

Glycerine 599-44 

Eggs 2,215.71 

Bread 1 7,524.2 1 

Salt 90-71 

Boxes 80.00 

Belts 143. 10 

Knives J7-71 

Combs 59-^9 

Pipes 34.39 

Mirrors 92.32 

Paper  and  envelopes 199.89 

Cigarette  paper 508.12 

Cocoa  butter 1,69 1 .86 

Sundries 264.23 


Total 102,330.29 

The  receipts  of  the  canteen  have  risen  since  1902  almost  every 
year,  the  expenditures  on  the  canteen  being  in  1902,  78,456  francs 
($15,142),  and  in  1910,  102,330  francs  ($19,749).  The  canteen  is 
an  incentive  to  good  labor  by  supplementing  a  dietary  that  is 
acknowledged  by  the  direction  of  the  Belgian  prisons  to  be  insufficient. 


THE  FOOD. 


97 


RECEIPTS  OF  CANTEEN,  1902-1910 

Francs 
78,456.43 


Francs 
1907    .  94,042.86 


1902 

!9°3  91,523.72          1908 

1904 95,661.36          1909 112,065.30 

1905..  97,545-90          1910....  102,330.29 

1906.  ....  94,441.27 

In  comparison  with  dietaries  or  feeding  customs  in  American  cor- 
rectional and  charitable  institutions,  the  dietary  scales  at  Merxplas 
are  certainly  scanty.  When  the  passing  visitor 
The  Food.  notes  in  the  weaving  shop,  for  instance,  the  heavy 
looms  being  driven  from  eight  to  ten  hours  a 
day  by  hand  and  foot  power,  by  aged  and  decrepit  looking 
colonists  who  in  American  almshouses  would  undoubtedly  often  be 
regarded  as  past  any  usefulness,  and  when  the  visitor  then  learns 
that  solid  meat  is  never  given  in  the  regular  rations;  that,  at  the  most, 
meat  soup  is  distributed  at  the  second  meal  on  Sunday  and  Thurs- 
day and  that  no  meat  appears  on  the  bill  of  fare  on  other  days,  save 
a  bit  of  bacon  in  a  potato  soup;  then  the  passing  visitor  queries,  and 
in  my  case,  received,  the  answer  from  M.  Dom,  the  secretary-general 
of  the  Belgian  department  of  justice,  "Yes,  the  able-bodied  colonists 
are  certainly  underfed,  yet  they  come  back  after  their  discharge,  often 
several  times.  Qne  faire?  If  we  starve  them,  there  would  be  a 
great  public  protest;  if  we  fed  them  better,  Merxplas  becomes  too 
attractive.  As  it  is,  the  canteen  supplements  materially  the  dietary." 

The  following  are  the  dietary  tables: 


DIETARY  TABLES 

Fit  st  meal.     Every  Jay:  Unit 

Hn-ad Kilogram 

I'hieory 

Skim  milk. .  Litre. ..  . 


Second  meal.     Sunday  and  Thursday: 
Meat  soup: 

Meat 

Rice 

Peas 

Salt.. 


Kilogram. 


Pepper 

Vegetables 

Second  meal.     Monday,  Tuesday,  Wednesday,  Friday,  Saturday: 

Pork  fat Kilogram.. 

Rice 

Peas 

Salt..  u        


Pt-pper 

Vejrttables. 


Quantity 
per  100 
rations 
67.500 
2.500 
4.000 


7  ooo 

10  ooo 

7.000 

2.000 
0.025 
2.000 

0.750 

to. ooo 
7.000 

2  OOO 
O.O25 
2.000 


THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


Third  meal.     Monday,  Wednesday,  Friday: 

Vegetable  soup:  Unit 

Beans Kilogram. 

Fat 

Salt 

Pepper 

Vegetables " 

Vinegar Litre. 


Third  meal.     Sunday,  Tuesday,  Thursday,  Saturday: 
Potato  soup: 

Potatoes Kilogram. 

Vegetables " 

Fat.... "         . 

Salt... "         . 

Pepper 

Onions " 

Vinegar Litre 


Quantity 
per  100 
rations 

25.000 
0.750 
1.500 
0.025 
4.000 
1 .000 


130.000 
8.000 
3.000 
1.500 
0.025 
i  .000 

I.OOO 


SPECIAL  INVALID  DIET 

First  meal.     Every  day:  Unit 

Bread Kilogram. 

Chicory " 

Coffee Litre. 

Skim  milk " 


Quantity 
per  100 
rations 

50 . ooo 

2.OOO 
O.2OO 
4.OOO 


Second  meal.     Every  day  except  Thursday: 
Meat  soup: 

Meat Kilogram. 

Rice 

Vegetables " 

Potatoes " 

Salt "         . 

Pepper " 

Beer. .  Litre. . 


20 . OOO 

3-000 

IO.OOO 

52 . ooo 

2.  OOO 
0.030 

50 . ooo 


Second  meal.     Thursday: 
Pea  soup: 

Pork  meat Kilogram 20.000 

Peas 20.000 

Vegetables " .10.000 

Salt " 2 .000 

Pepper "         0.030 

Beer Litre 50.000 


Cabinet    Shop.    Beggar   Colony,   Merxplas.    Belgium 


Central   Fountain.   Beggar  Colony.   Merxplas.   Belgium 


SUNDAY  PROGRAM. 


99 


Third  meal.     Every  day: 

Potatoes Kilogram. . 

Fat "        .. 

Vegetables «        .. 

Salt " 

Pepper u 

Vinegar Litre 

Beer..  "  , 


....  125.000 
0.750 
5.000 

....  2.OOC 

0.03O 
I.OOO 

50.000 

The  colony  is  run  on  a  definite  time  table,  varying  with  the  season 
of  the  year,  as  follows: 

DAILY  PROGRAM 


April  i 
to 
Sept.  15 

Sept.  16 
to 
Oct.  31 

Nov.  i 
to 
Feb.  15 

Feb.  1  6 
to 
Mar.  31 

Rising  

A    20 

C   OO 

6  oo 

C    7O 

Distribution  of  bread  

C   OO 

c  10 

*6  30 

*6  oo 

Work                   -.  

C    4C 

6  it 

7    1C 

6  4.C 

Doctor's  visit    

7   OO 

7   OO 

/  •  •  J 

8  oo 

•  ^ 

8  oo 

meal  and  rest  

8  oo 

8  oo 

Work  resumed  

8    70 

8.70 

Report  of  the  Director  

97O 

97O 

97O 

97O 

Second  meal,  first  table  

IO  4O 

IO   4O 

IO   4.0 

•  Jw 

1       -i 

Second  meal,  second  table  .... 
Work  resumed  

11.40 
I  .  1C 

11.40 
I  .  I? 

II  .40 
I  .  1C 

II.4O 
I  .  1C 

Rest    

4.   OO 

4.   OO 

Work  resumed  

4.    IO 

4    7O 

Third  meal  

6.4C 

6.4C 

4..OO 

c.oo 

Bed             

7   OO 

7   OO 

4    IO 

C.7O 

Third  meal  for  men  of  work- 
shops       .  .        

6   4C 

6  AC 

Bed  for  men  of  workshops  .... 

7.OO 

7  OO 

SUNDAY  PROGRAM 


April  i 

Sept.  16 

Nov.  i 

Feb.  1  6 

to 

to 

to 

• 

Sept.  15 

Oct.  31 

Feb.  15 

Mar.  31 

Mass          

7  .00  and 

7  .OO  and 

8.00  and 

8.00    and 

General  inspection  of  doctor  .. 

8.  ,5 
After 

8.15 
After 

9.15 
After 

9.15 
After 

Salute  

mass 

2.  TO 

mass 

2.  3O 

mass 
2.OO 

mass 

2.OO 

ioo  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

As   to   punishments,   the   principal   inflictions   are:     Reduction   in 

earnings,  three  to  sixty  days'  ordinary  cells  with  ordinary  diet,  three 

days'  punishment  cells  with  ordinary   diet,  three 

Punishments,  days'  punishment  cells  with  ordinary  diet  and 
confinement  in  the  punishment  quarter  for  serious 
infractions  of  the  rules.  The  ordinary  cells  are  equipped  as  are  the 
usual  prison  cells  of  Belgium,  with  all  necessary  articles;  punishment 
cells  are  stripped  of  practically  everything  save  hard,  wooden  bed. 
Dark  cells  are  not  used.  In  fact,  nowhere  in  my  tour  did  I  see  a 
dark  cell. 

The  following  tables  shows  the  causes  of  punishments  of  colonists 
during  1910: 

For  escapes: 

Simple  and  attempts , 188 

Complicity 399 

Repeated  complicity 475 


Total 1,062 

For  other  causes: 

Refusal  to  work  or  idleness  at  work 229 

Feigning  illness 51 

Assaults  on  colonists 85 

Rebellion  against  guards • 34 

Thefts,  etc 91 

Misconduct 547 

Drunkenness 5 


2,104 

A  further  summary  will  bring  out  salient  facts  regarding  the  fre- 
quency of  punishments  in  relation  to  the  population. 

Daily  percentage  of  persons  punished  for  escapes,  actual  or  attempted. .      2 .90% 

Average  number  of  punishments  inflicted  daily 05% 

Daily  percentage  of  persons  punished  for  other  causes 2 .85% 

Average  number  of  punishments  inflicted  daily °53^ 

Until  September  I,  1911,  a  detail  of  150  soldiers  and  several  officers 
were  the  military  guard  at  Merxplas.  Never  has  the  military  been 

called  into  action  because  of  insurrection  or  riot, 
Guards.  and  on  September  ist  (so  it  was  planned  in  August 

at  the  time  of  my  visit),  the  military  force  was  to 
be  materially  reduced,  and  in  place  of  the  military  more  attendants 
were  to  be  engaged.  Formerly  one  or  more  soldiers  accompanied 
the  groups  of  farm  laborers;  with  the  departure  of  a  goodly  portion 
of  the  military,  employee-guards  will  supplant  them,  with  the  addi- 
tional advantage  that  they  can  work  with  the  men.  Escaping  men 
were  never  fired  on,  and  a  sentry  on  guard  at  one  of  the  enclosure  en- 
trances I  found  had  no  ammunition  for  his  terror-inspiring  rifle. 


Cabinet   Shop.   Beggar  Colony.   Merxplas,   Belgium 


Weaving  Shop.  Beggar  Colony.  Merxplas.  Belgium 


GUARDS.  101 

A  thousand  pounds  of  potatoes  are  required  daily,  and  the  farm 
can  produce  but  about  one-half  the  potatoes  and  grain  needed.  Over 
1,000  men  are  generally  working  on  the  farm  during  summer  months 
in  groups  of  from  fifty  to  sixty.  Among  the  farm  products  are  maize, 
wheat,  oats,  hemp,  tobacco,  flax,  chicory,  horses,  oxen,  cattle,  pigs, 
sheep.  A  considerable  body  of  colonists  is  utilized  in  reclaiming 
the  unfertile  land. 

The  colonists  sleep  in  large  dormitories  containing  about  500  beds. 
There  seems  to  be  no  law  in  Belgium  like  that  in  Holland  that  re- 
quires of  all  inmates  of  state  correctional  and  charitable  institutions 
entire  cellular  separation  at  night.  For  refactory  colonists  there  are 
two  classes  of  cells  —  ordinary  and  punishment.  The  colonists  eat 
in  large  dining  halls,  some  of  which  seat  up  to  a  thousand  persons. 


HOLLAND  AND  VEENHUIZEN. 

FROM  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  when  Holland  founded  its 
"  Rasp-houses  "  and  "  Spin-houses  "  for  the  repression  especially  of 
beggars  and  mendicants,  to  the  present  day,  when  the  vagrancy 
colony  at  Veenhuizen  stands  as  an  example  of  thousands  of  acres 
of  land  reclaimed  not  from  the  seas  but  from  the  desert  heath,  the 
little  kingdom  of  Holland,  numbering  only  about  a  million  more  in- 
habitants than  live  in  greater  New  York,  has  given  much  attention 
to  the  reduction  of  vagrancy. 

The  present  Dutch  law  is  as  follows: 

1)  Imprisonment  up  to  twelve  days  is  inflicted  upon  (a)  a  person  who  publicly 
bsgs  or  (b)  a  person  who  intentionally  wanders  about  without  means. 

As  in  Belgium,  in  practice  it  must  be  proved  to  the 
,    _        j        court  that  the  person  begging  has  not  been  forced  by 
"  overpowering  circumstances  "  to  beg,  and    that    the 
a     '  accused  has  been  wandering  with  the  deliberate  intention 

of  not  working.  In  short,  Holland  in  practice  recog- 
nizes that  it  is  not  the  act  of  begging  and  vagabondage  that  should  determine 
the  disposition  of  the  case,  but  the  intent  of  the  beggar  or  the  vagrant. 

2)  Begging  and  vagrancy  of  three  or  more  persons  over  sixteen  years  is  punish- 
able with  imprisonment  up  to  three  months. 

3)  A  person  or  persons  found  guilty  under  l)   or  2)   may,  if  able-bodied,  be 
sentenced  to  transfer  and  detention  in  a  state-workhouse,  on  the  expiration  of  his 
or  their  imprisonment. 

There  may  be  thus  two  imprisonments,  one  in  the  nature  of  pun- 
ishment for  the  act,  the  other  (and  longer  detention)  because  society 
through  its  laws  has  expressed  its  conviction  that  beggars  and. 
vagrants  should  be  prevented  from  further  illegal  practices  of  this 
nature.  The  American  student  meets  this  theory  of  post-prison 
detention  frequently  in  European  countries.  Belgium  has  given  up 
the  first  short  period  of  imprisonment  for  beggars  and  vagrants,  save 
in  certain  definite  cases,  and  instead  permits  the  immediate  sentencing 
of  the  convicted  mendicant  or  vagrant  to  a  kind  of  preventive 
detention  for  from  two  to  seven  years.  Germany,  in  the  draft  of 
its  proposed  imperial  penal  code,  has  raised  the  question  of  the  utility 
of  the  first  short  prison  sentence  before  the  transfer  of  the  offender  to 
the  workhouse.  In  the  case  of  habitual  criminals,  England  has  recently 
(1908)  passed  a  significant  "Prevention  of  Crime  Act,"  providing  for  a 
separate  and  additional  period  of  preventive  detention,  in  a  separate 
prison,  for  habitual  criminals  subsequent  to  the  imprisonment  of 
the  said  criminals  in  a  convict  prison  for  the  crimes  of  which  they 
have  been  convicted. 


I 

. 

1 


a 

- 


e 

3 


ITS  HISTORY.  103 

Far  in  the  northern  part  of  Holland,  some  thirty  miles  east  of  the 

Xuyder  Zee,  is  situated  Veenhuizen,  the  celebrated  vagrancy  labor 

colony.     About  eight  miles  from  Assen,  it  is  sur- 

Veenhuizen.       rounded    by   uncultivated   heath.     The   traveler, 

riding   out    from    Assen    along   the    brick-paved 

highway  and  the   narrow  canal,  sees  the   road  stretch  before  him 

through  a  flat  and  treeless  country  that  resembles  the  sea-surface 

under  which  it  once  undoubtedly  lay.     After  an  hour's  drive,  the 

visitor  to  Veenhuizen  sees  before   him   a   broad  "oasis"  of  forest, 

intersecting  canals,  broad  roads,  neat  Dutch  houses,  fertile  gardens, 

sweeping  fields  of  grain;  and  finds  himself  in  a  few  moments  at  Colony 

No.   One.     Formerly  there  were  three  colonies  or  divisions,  in  a 

region  of  over  3,000  hectares,  about  7,500  acres.     One  colony  has 

recently  been  abandoned,  the  population  committed  to  the  colonies 

having  fallen  off  markedly  in  recent  years. 

The  impression  on  the  American  student  of  delinquency  cannot 
fail  to  be  striking.  I  say  this  with  confidence,  for  inspection  of  the 
visitors'  book  seemed  to  show  that  I  was  the  first  American  visitor 
(not  an  inmate),  at  least  in  many  years.  Perhaps  the  most  potent 
impression  is  that  of  the  interminable  extent  of  the  beautiful  colony. 
Miles  of  excellent  roads,  lined  with  trees  often  a  generation  or  more 
old,  and  with  sluggish  canals  that  make  heavy  transportation  facile; 
ever-recurring  groups  of  houses,  where  officers  and  employees  live; 
frequent  larger  buildings,  serving  as  workshops,  dormitories,  refec- 
tories, offices;  vistas  of  grain  fields,  woods,  forests,  and  then  more 
settlements,  more  large  buildings;  and  every  little  while  the  passing 
of  colonists  shuffling  along  in  wooden  shoes,  or  children  playing  at 
canal-side  or  by  the  road,  the  sons  and  daughters  of  employees  and 
officers;  women,  the  wives  of  officers,  at  work  by  cottage  door  or 
walking  along  the  highways  as  in  any  other  village;  employees  in 
uniform;  now  and  then  a  squad  of  colonists  with  farm  wagons  or 
implements,  unaccompanied  by  guards,  going  to  or  from  the  daily 
work  in  field  or  shop.  No  walls  surround  the  community's  1,200 
colonists  and  some  300  officers  and  employees  who  live  and  work  in 
very  passable  harmony.  The  colony  is  a  world  in  itself;  the  rest  of 
Holland  was  spoken  of  during  my  stay  as  "out  there."  And  the 
rarest  thing  one  sees  at  Veenhuizen  is  a  policeman,  though  as  in  Bel- 
gium a  military  company  acts  as  guard.  Here  at  Veenhuizen  nine 
rural  military  guards  and  twenty-eight  policemen  are  adequate,  and 
find  it  hard  to  keep  occupied. 

Veenhuizen  has  a  long  history.  In  1818,  the  Dutch  Society  of 
Beneficence,  having  organized  with  20,000  members  within  one  year, 
founded  several  agricultural  colonies  for  dependent 
Its  History.  families,  called  Frederiksoord,  Willemsoord  and 
Wilhelminasoord.  Two  years  later,  in  1820,  a 
colony  of  about  1,900  acres  for  mendicants  and  vagrants,  was  estab- 
lished at  Ommen,  and  was  christened  Ommerschanz  (Ommcr  bar- 
racks or  fort).  A  second  colony,  called  Veenhuizen  (fen-dwellings), 
of  2,380  acres  was  also  founded  some  eight  miles  west  of  Assen. 


IO4  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

This  report  can,  because  of  limitations  of  space,  give  no  extended 
history  of  the  Dutch  free  labor  colonies.  Between  1819  and  1840, 
no  less  than  137,378  persons  had  been  received  into  the  colonies,  both 
free  and  beggar.  Both  Ommerschanz  and  Veenhuizen  were  in  active 
existence  in  1851,  when  the  following  table  of  population  was  compiled 
on  December  31. 

First  time  at  Ommerschanz  and  Veenhuizen J>923 

Second  time i»iO3 

Third  time 72 1 

Fourth  time 458 

Fifth  time 190 

Sixth  time 42 

Seventh  time 14 

Ninth  time 

Tenth  time I 


4*5*5 

In  1853  Sir  John  McNeill  of  England  reported  after  a  careful  study 
of  Holland  colonies  that 

1)  Indigent  families  can  rarely  be  made  self-sustaining  by  providing  them 
with  houses  and  land,  with  all  that  is  necessary  for  its  cultivation  and  for  their 
own  maintenance  until  they  are  able  to  support  themselves. 

2)  Paupers,  even  when  able-bodied,  cannot  be  made  to  contribute  to  their 
own  support  by  employing  them  at  agricultural  labor  or  land  belonging  to  the 
body  which  undertakes  to  maintain  them,  but,  on  the  contrary,  the  attempt  so 
to  diminish  the  cost  of  maintaining  them  tends  to  augment  it. 

3)  Paupers  can   be  more  advantageously  employed  in  manufactures  and 
handicrafts  than  in  agricultural  pursuits,  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  price 
obtained  in  the  market  for  the  produce   of  their   industry,    after   deducting 
expenses,  will  diminish  the  charge  of  their  maintenance. 

The  above  remarks  referred  not  only  to  the  beggar  colonies,  but 
to  the  free  (family)  colonies. 

In  1859  the  Dutch  government  took  over  both  the  beggar  colonies 
(Ommerschanz  and  Veenhuizen),  when  the  Dutch  Society  of  Benefi- 
cence was  over  two  million  dollars  in  debt.  By  degrees  the  govern- 
ment concentrated  the  beggars  and  vagrants  at  Veenhuizen.  Beg- 
ging became  almost  without  exception  the  charge  upon  which  the 
colonists  were  committed.  At  no  time  have  the  beggar  colonies  been 
self-supporting,  though  because  of  the  system  of  book-keeping 
employed  by  the  government  it  was  not  possible  for  me  while  in 
Holland  in  the  summer  of  191 1  to  learn  even  approximately  the  annual 
receipts  and  expenditures. 

In  1885  an  Englishman,  H.  G.  Willinck,  made  a  careful  study  for 
his  government  of  the  Veenhuizen  and  Ommerschanz  colonies,  and 
reported  that  in  respect  to  neither  repression  nor  prevention  of  mendi- 
cancy were  the  colonies  at  that  time  a  success.  The  paupers  had 
no  dread  of  the  place,  but  rather  liked  it,  the  doctor  of  one  of  the  col- 
onies reporting:  "It  is  too  comfortable;  their  dinner  is  always  ready!" 


Shops,  Canal  and   Road.  Vagrancy  Colony,   Vcenhuizen.   Holland 


Colonists  Coming  in  to    Dinner.  Vagrancy  Colony.  Vcenhuizen.  Holland 


ITS  HISTORY. 


105 


Out  of  3,253  beggars  and  vagrants  at  Veenhuizen  and  Ommer- 
schanz  on  December  31,  1885,  there  were  there: 

For  the  first  time.  ..                                         .......  %  ----  425  or  13  per  cent. 

Second  time  ...........                  ......................  63  1  or  20  " 

Third  time  ............                  ......................  391  or  12  " 

Fourth  time  .........................................  344  or  10  " 

Fifth  time  ..........................................  277  or    9  " 

Sixth  time  ..........................................  230  or    7  " 

Seventh  time  .............................  .  ..........  178  or    6  " 

Eighth  time  .........................................  169  or    5  " 

Ninth  time  ..........................................  142  or    4  " 

Tenth  time  .........................................  140  or    4  " 

Eleventh  time  .......................................  1  16  or    3  u 

More  than  eleven  times  ...............................     210  or    7        a 

_  it 

3,253      100       " 

Nor  did  the  colonies  seem  to  Mr.  Willinck  in  1885  to  exercise  any 
reforming  influence.  "Inefficient  work,  safe  board  and  lodging,  free 
intercourse  night  and  day  with  hundreds  of  others  of  the  same 
almost  hopeless  class,  nothing  to  lose  by  stagnation;  what  is  there  in 
this  to  raise  a  man  ?  The  best  that  can  be  said  for  such  an  insti- 
tution is  that  it  keeps  decently  and  out  of  sight,  and  in  a  condition  of 
animal  well-being,  a  class  of  men  who,  if  not  in  its  keeping  or  under 
some  other  kind  of  restraint,  would,  as  in  England,  be  a  public  dis- 
grace and  shame,  and  would  also  be  raising  up  children  to  succeed 
them." 

That  was  thirty  years  ago.  In  1890  the  colony  of  Ommerschanz 
was  discontinued.  In  1903  the  colony  contained  about  the  present 
acreage,  divided  thus: 

Heath,  moor,  water,  highways  ............................  1,920  hectares* 

Forest  .................................................  484 

Meadow  and  field  ......................................  123 

Tillable  land  .........  588 

Buildings  ..............................................  34 

Garden  ................................................  31 


The  proportion  of  lands  cultivated  and  uncultivated  has  not  changed 
materially,  nor  have  the  religious  persuasions  of  the  colonists,  which 
in  1901  were  as  follows: 

Reformed  Dutch  ...................  .'  ......  3.I*6 

Roman  Catholic  ................................  2,066 

Other  Protestant  faiths.  .  88 


'A  h.ctare  it  1.471  acre*. 


io6  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

In  1903,  M.  Louis  Riviere,  perhaps  the  keenest  and  most  widely 
recognized  French  student  of  vagrancy  and  mendicancy,  visited  Veen- 
huizen.  He  found  an  average  population  of 
In  1893.  3,200,  and  in  the  four  previous  years  an  annual 
average  of  escapes  of  226,  of  whom  on  the  aver- 
age 177  were  recaptured.  This  proportion  is  about  one-third  the 
annual  number  of- escapes  at  Merxplas,  in  proportion  to  the  number 
of  colonists.  M.  Riviere  found  the  average  length  ,of  detention  (there 
are  no  walls  around  this  village  on  the  heath)  about  two  and  one-half 
years,  and  the  annual  number  of  admissions  1,700,  of  whom  only  a 
fourth  were  for  the  first  time. 

What  were  M.  Riviere's  conclusions?  "By  means  of  the  beauty 
of  its  lay-out,  by  the  varied  occupations  of  the  colonists  and  by  the 
comparative  liberty  which  is  allowed  them,  the  Dutch  government 
has  been  able  to  remove  from  its  colony  the  character  of  a  depvt  de 
mendicite  (beggar  colony).  But  what  as  regards  the  moral  point  of 
view  ?  Are  the  persons  who  leave  Veenhuizen  after  more  than  two 
years'  stay  transformed,  and  do  they  become  then  sober  and  indus- 
trious workers  ? 

"To  claim  this  would  be  an  exaggeration.  Reformations  do  occur 
and  they  are  an  encouraging  thing;  but  they  are  the  exception.  The 
majority  of  the  colonists  revert  to  their  old  errors;  three-fourths  of 
those  admitted  to  Veenhuizen  have  already  been  at  the  colony." 

M.  Riviere  then  attempts  to  estimate  the  cost  of  this  colony,  but 
finds  difficulty,  because  the  prison  statistics  embrace  the  expenses  of 
several  colonies  in  common.  Approximately  it  would  seem  (in  1903) 
that  the  daily  cost  of  a  colonist  was  sixty  Dutch  cents  (24  cents  Amer- 
ican) a  total  annual  cost  of  694,839  florins,  or  approximately  $277.932. 
"Of  course,"  states  M.  Riviere,  "there  are  important  receipts  that 
lower  the  total  expense,  so  that  the  ultimate  net  cost  is  slight  in  com- 
parison with  the  results  obtained."  In  conclusion  M.  Riviere  states 
that  the  population  of  the  colony  was  divided  by  ages  as  follows: 

Less  than  20  years  old 24 

Between  20  and  50 3>r72 

Over  50 2,084 

5,280 

The  average  population  was  in  1901,  3,172  and  the  total  days' 
work  1,158,065.  There  were  40,522  days  of  sickness,  an  average  of 
in  persons  sick,  or  3.5  per  cent  of  the  population. 

In  1905,  two  members  of  the  English  Church  Army,  the  Reverend 
Wilson  Carlile,  and  Victor  W.  Carlile,  visited  Veenhuizen.1  They 
reported  that  Veenhuizen  seemed  in  many  ways  an  improvement  on 
Merxplas.  "The  system,  applying  as  it  does  to  so  low  and  hopeless 
a  class,  is  a  remarkable  success.  It  is  humane,  elevating,  economic- 
ally sound,  practicable  and  desirable."  On  the  other  hand,  the 

'The  Continental  Outcast,  Unwin,  London,  1906. 


Gateway  of  Administration  Building,  Colony  Number  Two.  Beggar  Colony, 

Veenhuizcn.    Holland 


Canal  and   Road,  Within   Beggar  Colony.  Yeenhuizen.   Holland 


IN  THE   SUMMER   OF  1911.  107 

impressions  of  the  English  visitors  are  not  accompanied  by  statistics 
regarding  cost  of  management,  per  capita  cost,  and  recidivism. 

In  1910  Dr.  Albert  Wilson  of  Edinburg,  in  a  study  of  tramps  and 
beggars,'  wrote  of  Veenhuizen  that  "they  get  encouraging  results, 
for  the  system  rewards  and  stimulates  industry  in  lazy  non-workers. 
Many  of'  these  recover  and  get  into  honest  work  again.  Many  of 
the  drunkards  recover.  But,  as  in  all  such  discouraging,  hopeless 
undertakings,  there  are  many  failures  and  some  return  two  or  three 
times." 

Turning  now  to  my  own  visit  to  Veenhuizen  in  the  summer  of  191 1 
I  would  express  at  the  outset  my  admiration  of  the  "plant"  in  general, 
of  the  remarkable  development  of  this  great  corn- 
In  the  munity  through  its  own  labor  and  industry,  of 
Summer  the  varied  character  of  the  work,  of  the  high  grade 
of  1911.  of  the  officials,  and  of  the  plan  in  general  of  seg- 
regating over  a  thousand  beggars  and  vagrants 
in  reasonable,  comfortable  and  humane  surroundings,  and,  as  in 
Belgium,  ridding  to  this  extent  the  roads  and  communities  of  the 
wandering  regiment. 

Analyzing  the  activities  and  conditions  of  Veenhuizen,  I  found  the 
following  situation: 

POPULATION. —  The  men  are  in  general  much  older  than 
American  tramps  and  vagrants,  resembling  in  the  main  the  aged, 
broken-down  groups  so  characteristic  of  our  almshouses.  Few 
young  men  were  to  be  seen;  on  the  other  hand  the  lame,  the  halt,  and 
the  blind  were  frequent.  The  population  on  July  25,  1911,  was 
about  1,200,  about  evenly  divided  into  Colony  No.  I  and  Colony 
No.  2.  Colony  No.  3  has  recently  been  abandoned,  the  explanation 
at  The  Hague  being  mat  the  courts  are  now  becoming  far  more  severe 
upon  mendicants  and  vagrants,  sending  them  to  prisons  instead  of 
to  the  colony.  In  short,  the  colony  is  regarded  as  too  attractive, 
making  too  much  for  recidivism.  The  average  age  of  the  colonists 
is  over  fifty  years. 

BUILDINGS. — The  main  administration  building  of  each  colony 
is  a  large  square  structure  with  a  great  open  interior  court,  service- 
able for  the  leisure  periods  of  the  colonists.  A  separate  central 
kitchen  in  the  central  building  serves  for  each  colony.  Food  is  con- 
veyed by  certain  colonist  helpers  to  the  large  refectories.  Twenty  dining- 
rooms  are  each  equipped  with  sixty  seats,  thus  admitting  of  classifi- 
cation of  population. 

The  sleeping  quarters  are  in  the  second  story  of  the  central  build- 
ing, on  three  sides  of  the  court,  and  according  to  Holland  law  are 
fitted  with  separate  cubicles  (inside  rooms)  partitioned  off  in  a  large 
room,  open  at  the  top,  the  partition  rising  about  seven  feet,  a  wire 
grating  being  substituted  for  the  ceiling.  This  plan,  employed  also 
in  the  children's  institutions,  is  of  course  effective  in  preventing  any 
physical  communication  at  night. 

Tnfinishrd  Man,  Greening,  London,  1910. 


io8  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

There  are  ten  dormitories  in  Colony  No.  2,  each  containing  120 
beds,  separated  as  above  mentioned.  The  dormitories  are  well 
ventilated,  but  the  cells  are  without  the  water  closet  and  running 
water  conveniences  now  so  common  and  so  generally  approved  in 
our  prisons  and  similar  institutions. 

Around  the  central  building  and  at  irregular  intervals  for  a  con- 
siderable distance  are  the  shops  and  the  farm  buildings,  all  built 
by  the  colonists.  Colony  No.  I  is  a  mile  distant  from  Colony  No. 
2,  and  three  miles  from  the  abandoned  Colony  No.  3. 

INDUSTRIES. —  The  variety  of  industries,  and  the  amount  of 
work  and  of  products  obtained  from  aged  vagabonds  and  beggars, 
are  the  two  most  impressive  points  in  connection  with  the  industries. 
About  two-thirds  of  the  able-bodied  colonists  are  working  in  the 
shops,  and  about  one-third  are  in  agriculture,  for  as  yet  only  one- 
third  of  the  vast  acreage  (3,200  hectares,  about  8,000  acres)  is  under 
cultivation*  There  is  a  twelve-hour  day  for  the  colonists,  from  6 
to  6,  with  2  hours  respite  at  noon;  this  applies  to  all  able-bodied  men. 
Rising  time  is  at  5  A.  M.;  bed  time  at  9  P.  M. 

Employees'  detached  houses  line  the  canals  every  little  while,  and 
behind  the  cottages  lie  many  of  the  shops.  The  industries  strongly 
resemble  those  of  Merxplas,  among  the  most  important  occupations 
being  weaving,  carpentry  work,  cabinet  work,  tailoring,  cobbling 
(wooden  shoes  for  the  colonists  being  one  branch),  rug  making, 
repairing  of  clothes,  book-binding,  foundry  work,  concrete  making, 
harness  making. 

There  are  eighteen  farms  in  all  in  the  two  colonies.  •  Each  farm  is 
in  general  charge  of  a  farmer  whose  salary  is  low  but  who  enjoys 
such  perquisites  as  a  garden,  chicken,  eggs,  etc.,  and  a  certain  amount 
of  the  time  of  one  or  more  colonists.  Although  salaries  of  officers 
are  low  at  Veenhuizen,  the  gardens,  the  poultry  and  the  labor  of 
colonists  are  inducements  to  remain. 

Power  machinery  is  conspicuous  by  its  absence.  Power  for  a 
circular  saw  is  obtained,  for  example,  by  the  labor  of  two  colonists 
who  crank  a  large  wheel  which  by  belting  con- 
The  Absence  veys  power  to  the  saw.  In  one  shop  each  man 
of  Power  was  building  from  start  to  finish  a  small  hand- 
Machinery,  propelled  post-cart,  which  takes  about  three  weeks 
to  build,  and  would  sell  in  the  outside  market 
for  about  $20.  All  tools  are  sharpened  by  hand;  all  polishing,  drill- 
ing, cutting  and  planing  is  done  by  hand.  The  theory  obtains  that 
this  is  well,  since  most  of  the  able-bodied  occupied  colonists  had 
their  trade  "on  the  outside,"  and  are  competent  to  do  with  the  assist- 
ance of  hand  power  what  they  formerly  may  have  done  much  more 
quickly  by  steam  or  electric  power.  Furthermore,  much  physical 
energy  is  purposely  thus  consumed,  and,  moreover,  the  installation 
of  machine  power  would  so  increase  the  industrial  products  of  the 
colony  that  the  government  would  find  much  difficulty  in  disposing 
of  them. 


OLD  METHODS. 


109 


A  very  important  point  .is  thus  raised.  Contract  labor  seems  not 
to  he  forbidden  in  Dutch  correctional  institutions,  but  it  is  not  favor- 
ably regarded  bv  the  government.  All  European  countries  I  visited 
were  obviously  hampered  by  inability  at  times  to  find  a  clear  open 
market  for  their  products.  No  law  in  Holland  compels  the  state  or 
its  political  subdivisions,  such  as  counties  or  cities,  to  purchase 
prison  made  goods.  If  the  post-office  department  or  the  telegraph 
department  orders  or  purchases  products  of  Veenhuizen,  it  is  probably 
as  an  accommodation  —  at  least,  not  because  mandatory,  loo  much 
of  an  excursion  by  the  Dutch  prisons  into  the  open  market  as  a  field 
for  their  products  would  undoubtedly  rouse  the  labor  unions.  In 
none  of  the  countries  visited  did  I  find  any  law  approaching  that  of 
New  York,  whereby  the  state  and  its  political  subdivisions  are 
required  by  law  to  give  first  chance  to  the  prisons  to  sell  or  make  goods 
required  by  the  former.  So  the  Veenhuizen  colony,  as  Merxplas 
also,  is  forced  back  on  itself  and  upon  the  market  furnished  by  the 
institutions  under  the  department  of  justice.  This  feature,  and  the 
favorable  attitude  of  the  department  of  justice  toward  the  retention 
of  hand  and  foot  power,  are  matters  of  some  irritation  to  the  director 
of  Colony  No.  2,  who  knows  that  the  colony  could  greatly  increase 
its  output  through  the  installation  of  power  machinery. 

The  American  visitor  notes,  similarly,  an  absence  of  time-saving 
devices,  as  well  as  of  modern  sanitary  facilities.     No  drainage  system 
has  as  yet  been  installed,  though  such  a  system 
Old  could  well   be   utilized   for  the   fertilizing  of  the 

Methods.  fields  in  connection  with  a  sewage  disposal  plant. 
Kerosene  lamps  persist  in  being  the  only  illumina- 
tion in  dwellings  and  shops  that  are  by  no  means  fireproof.  Nor 
has  the  central  power  plant  or  the  central  heating  plant  heating 
idea  penetrated  to  Veenhuizen.  In  short,  save  for  the  twenty  tele- 
phones in  this  great  colony,  one  could  readily  believe  himself  from 
the  industrial  standpoint  back  a  generation  or  more.  This  is  not 
economical  nor  is  it  necessary  as  a  work-supplying  expedient,  for 
the  director  could  utilize  all  his  present  workers  under  power  machin- 
ery, and  even  if  this  were  not  so,  the  men  released  from  the  industries 
could  reinforce  the  agricultural  colonists,  who  still  face  the  reclaiming 
of  many  thousand  acres  of  land. 

The  lasting  impression  produced  upon  me  was,  however,  that 
everybody  who  could  work  was  really  working;  that  just  exactly  the 
group  we  feel  to  be  one  of  the  most  unproductive  in  the  United  States 
was  nere  at  Veenhuizen,  as  at  Merxplas,  working  hard,  and  very  often 
with  joy  in  their  work,  for  they  often  have  the  entire  article  to  com- 
plete, rather  than  the  repeated  production  of  a  small  part  of  an  article; 
and  that  some  of  the  men  were  worked  even  too  hard,  as  in  Colony 
No.  i,  where  old  men  in  the  weaving  rooms  drove  by  hand  and  foot 
power  the  looms  and  the  shuttles,  ceaselessly  and  laboriously  producing 
the  cloth,  expending  an  energy  hour  after  hour  that  more  nearly 
approached  trie  line  between  punishment  and  apparent  torture  than 
anything  else  I  saw  on  European  soil. 


no  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

FOOD  AND  EARNINGS. — As  is  customary  in  European  institu- 
tions, meat  is  a  rare  article  of  diet.  The  noon-day  meal  on  July 
25,  1911,  was  mainly  potatoes,  half  mashed,  with  vegetable  greens.  A 
great  plateful  equivalent  to  the  contents  of  an  ordinary  sized  wash- 
basin was  the  portion  for  each  man;  the  colonists  sit  in  groups  of  eight 
at  small  tables.  One  colonist  serves  the  portion  from  a  central  dish 
and  the  eager  and  often  jealous  eyes  of  the  other  seven  colonists, 
measuring  each  portion,  convey  vividly  the  idea  that  the  vegetarian 
diet  does  not  result  in  over-feeding.  The  potato  hash  was  very 
palatable.  Mornings  and  evenings  the  colonists  are  served  with 
plenty  of  bread  and  have  coffee,  not  of  a  very  good  grade,  I  was 
informed. 

As  at  Merxplas,  so  at  Veenhuizen,  a  canteen  flourishes.  The 
colonists  may  earn  up  to  twenty-five  Dutch  cents  (ten  American  cents) 
a  day,  of  which  they  may  use  two-thirds  to  purchase  at  the  canteen  such 
articles  as  butter,  bacon,  salt,  tobacco  and  pipes.  No  alcoholic 
drinks  'are  sold  or  permitted.  It  is  noteworthy  that  most  of  the  men 
patronize  the  canteen  sparingly,  saving  their  money  for  the  time  of 
discharge. 

The  dietary  for  the  noon  meal  is  fixed,  as  follows: 

Sunday,  potatoes  and  vegetables;  Monday,  bean  soup;  Tuesday,  potatoes  and 
vegetables;  Wednesday,  soups  and  boiled  beef;  Thursday,  potatoes  and  vege- 
tables; Friday,  sago  soup;  Saturday,  soup  and  boiled  beef. 

The  colonists  are  fed  much  less  liberally  than  in  American  cor- 
rectional institutions.  Apart  from  the  supplementary  use  of  the 
canteen  as  a  stimulus  to  work,  the  European  prison  administrations 
believe  that  their  dietaries  are  sufficient,  and  that  ours  are  too  liberal. 

ESCAPES  AND  PUNISHMENTS. — From  forty  to  fifty  colonists  escape 
each  year,  most  of  whom  are  recaptured.  While  colonists  do 
not  stay  willingly  in  Veenhuizen,  they  often  find  the  colony 
the  lesser  of  two  evils,  and  revert  to  vagabondage  partially  in 
order  to  gain  entrance  again  to  the  colony.  In  general  the 
colonists  are  not  temperamentally  or  physically  fit  to  earn  their  self- 
support  permanently  on  the  outside.  As  in  Merxplas,  the  adminis- 
tration makes  little  effort  to  recapture  the  runaways.  Significant 
indeed  is  the  statement  of  Director  Hondius  that  the  Veenhuizen 
colonists  are  not  in  the'  main  the  professional  beggars  and  vagrants, 
but  rather  the  incompetents  and  the  half-ables. 

This  is  confirmation  of  Professor  Von  Hippel's  statement  'that  the 
penal"  code  is  insufficient  for  any  successful  campaign  against  begging 
and  vagrancy.  Non-public  begging  is  not  punishable,  even  if  it  is 
practised  by  professional  work-shys.  "The  law  guarantees  com- 
plete freedom  to  any  one  who  is  fairly  careful.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  definition  of  vagrancy  is  too  sweeping,  for  it  hits  also  the  penniless 
but  honest  wanderer  seeking  work  away  from  his  place  of  settlement. 
The  threatened  punishments  are  unjustly  severe  for  the  unfortunate, 
but  completely  Worthless  for  the  professional  beggar  and  vagrant." 


Corridor  in   Dormitory  with  Separate  Rooms,  Juvenile 
Reformatory,  Amersfoort,   Holland 


The  Prince-Consort  of  Holland  Opening  a  Juvenile  Reformatory.  Avereest. 
Holland.  July  24,  19" 


Farm    Buildings,    Dutch    Prisoner's    Aid    Society's   Colony    for    Discharged 
Prisoners,  Apeldoor.  Holland 


Dutch  Prisoners  Aid  Society's  Home  for  Discharged  Prisoners.   Apeldoor 

Holland 


THE  RESULTS  in 

Von  Hippel,  commenting  on  the  vagrancy  colony,  says  further:1 
"Far  worse  than  the  law  is  its  practical  working  out.  The  treat- 
ment in  the  colony  is  so  mild  that  the  detention 
The  Results.  has  lost  its  punitive  character,  only  to  come  to 
seem  a  desirable  provision,  and  the  most  begging 
and  vagrancy  occurs  in  those  judicial  districts  where  sentence  to  the 
colony  is  most  likely.  After  leaving  the  colony  the  same  career 
begins  again,  ending  with  return  to  the  colony." 

Mr.  Hondius,  the  director  of  Colony  No.  2,  said  to  me  frankly 
that  after  ten  years  at  the  colony,  he  had  gained  a  firm  conviction 
that  little  can  be  done  to  reclaim  the  colonists,  and  that  Holland's 
efforts  should  be  directed  toward  the  prevention  of  mendicancy  and 
vagrancy,  and  not  toward  the  cure. 

In  the  colony  comparatively  little  trouble  occurs  with  the  men, 
\\ho  go  back  and  forth  from  work  without  guards.  Apart  from 
squabbles  among  themselves,  violence  rarely  occurs.  To  be  sure, 
the  general  tone  of  the  colony  is  conditioned  largely  by  the  attitude 
and  personality  of  the  director.  Mr.  Hondius,  a  man  of  wide 
experience,  first  as  teacher  in  South  Africa,  then  as  director  at  Veen- 
huizen,  has  in  ten  years  reduced  the  punishments  from  a  daily  average 
of  sixty  to  a  daily  average  of  three,  through  stern  and  humane  treat- 
ment of  the  colonists,  and  the  locating  of  definite  and  ample  respon- 
sibility upon  each  officer  and  employee.  One  prison  at  the  colony 
has  been  discontinued,  and  a  second  prison  is  nearly  empty.  On 
July  25,  I  counted  four  prisoners  in  cells,  being  punished  as  follows: 

Colony  No.  I,  I  sentence  100  days  for  accumulated  disobedience. 

Colony  No.  2,  i  sentence  10  days  for  attempted  escape. 

Colony  No.  2,  I  sentence  6  days  for  having  things  unlawfully  in  his  possession* 

Colony  No.  2,  I  sentence  I  day  for  disobedience. 

Even  though  the  population  has  fallen  from  about  3,000  to  1,200, 
this  is  an  excellent  showing. 

l\'crgl.  Dar»tellung  d.  deutschen  u.  ami.  Strafrcchts,  Special  part,  II  Vol.,  p.  136,  ditto  p.  137 


dljapter 


•   GERMAN  COMPULSORY  WORKHOUSES. 

THERE  are  approximately  fifty  compulsory  workhouses  for  vagrants 
and  beggars  in  Germany,  of  which  half  are  in  Prussia.  In 
Prussia  these  are  not  state  institutions,  but  county  or  provincial 
institutions.  The  organization  of  some  goes  back  into  the  eighteenth 
century.  Outside  Prussia  the  workhouses  are  state  controlled.  Most 
of  the  workhouses  receive  not  only  beggars  and  vagrants,  but  often  also 
persons  convicted  of  even  very  serious  crimes.  In  most  of  the  work- 
houses there  are  male  and  female  divisions,  and  often  youths  under 
eighteen  years  of  age  are  found  in  these  institutions,  either  partially 
or  wholly  separated  from  adults  or  lacking  such  separation. 

The  capacity  of  the  workhouses  varies  in  size  from  1,000  to  100. 
Association  during  the  day  is  customary,  the  workhouses  thus  dif- 
ferentiating themselves  markedly  from  the  prisons  (Gefaengnisse)  and 
the  convict  prisons  (Zuchthaeuser).  Single  cells  are  rarely  present 
in  the  workhouses,  nor  is  there  in  general  a  careful  attempt  at  classi- 
fication. 

The  workhouses  do  not  belie  their  name.  The  daily  program  em- 
braces on  the  average  from  n^  to  12  hours  in  summer  and  10^  to 
ii  hours  in  winter,  a  fact  that  makes  the  work- 
Workhouse  houses  frequently  more  dreaded  by  the  offender 
Routine.  than  the  prison.  Work  is  quite  vigorously  carried 
on,  and  agricultural  and  forestry  labor  is  a  prom- 
inent feature  of  many  workhouses,  a  third  of  the  population  of  many 
workhouses  working  in  the  fields.  Women  inmates  rarely  work  out- 
side the  workhouse,  but  are  occupied  in  sewing  and  other  domestic 
branches.  The  industries  for  male  prisoners  are  very  varied  and 
educative.  In  almost  all  institutions  the  inmates  receive  very  moderate 
earnings,  which  are  in  part  withheld  until  the  day  of  discharge,  the 
remainder  being  available  for  canteen  purchases. 

Religious  observance  is  regarded  as  important,  not  only  on  Sundays, 
but  briefly  in  the  morning  and  in  the  evening;  moreover  the  chaplains 
visit  occasionally  the  inmates  of  their  faith. 

Punishments  are:  the  withdrawal  of  privileges,  reprimands, 
reduction  of  diet,  and  transfer  into  the  punishment  class.  Cellular 
imprisonment  is  permissible,  both  ordinary  imprisonment  in  a  light 
cell  and  imprisonment  in  a  dark  cell,  generally  with  plank  bed. 
Both  forms  of  imprisonment  may  be  made  severer  by  reduction  of 
diet  to  bread  and  water.  Chaining  and  flogging  are  occasionally 
practiced. 

The  results  of  governmental  efforts  to  help  prisoners  after  their 
discharge  have  proved  of  little  success,  according  to  von  Hippel, 


State  Prison,  HaarU-m,  Holland 


m 


Exercise  Yard  of  a  German  Prison 


GERMAN  PENAL  CODE.  113 

partly  because  of  the  reluctance  of  released  prisoners  to  seek  the  aid 
of  discharged  prisoners'  aid  societies,  and  partly  because  the 
ex-prisoners  often  leave  a  position  thus  obtained  as  soon  as  the  first 
wages  are  received. 

imperial  German  penal  code  has  in  the  main  the  following 
provisions  regarding  the  legal  treatment  of  mendicancy  and  vagrancy. 
The  following  are  subject  to  imprisonment: 

I.  A  person  wandering  as  a  vagabond. 

_  2.  A  person  begging,  or  who  persuades  children  to  bee 

(jrerman  «     e  -i  <• 

p        1  p   j  or  wno  'ai's  to  Prcvent  from  begging  such  persons  as 

are  under  his  oversight  or  control,  and  who  are  members 
of  his  household. 

3.  A  person  who  is  so  addicted  to  gambling,  drinking  or  idleness  that  he  is 
forced  to  require  public  aid  for  his  own  support  or  for  the  support  of  those 
legally  dependent  upon  him. 

4.  A  prostitute. 

5.  A  person  who,  receiving  charitable  aid,  refuses  to  perform  proper  labor 
for  public  authority  in  return. 

6.  A  person  who,  having  lost  his  means  of  support,  has  not  within  a  time 
designated  by  proper  authority  secured  other  support,  and  cannot  prove  that 
he  has  been  unable  to  support  himself  in  spite  of  his  own  efforts. 

7.  A  person  who,  though  able  to  provide  support  for  those  legally  dependent 
upon  him,  refuses  to  provide  such  support,  with  the  result  that  such  persons 
must  be  aided  by  the  authorities. 

The  duration  of  such  imprisonment  may  be  up  to  six  weeks. 
Instead  of  imprisonment  a  fine  up  to  150  marks  ($36)  may  be  imposed. 
An  important  feature  of  the  law  is  that  after  the  sentence  of  imprison- 
ment is  imposed,  the  convicted  person  may  be  sentenced  to  be  placed 
at  the  disposition  of  the  provincial  police,  which  through  the  police 
court  may  sentence  the  offender  to  a  supplementary  imprisonment 
up  to  two  years  either  in  a  workhouse  or  at  public  works. 

There  is  no  precise  definition  of  vagrancy  in  the  imperial  German 
penal  code.  Vagrancy  in  practice  is  regarded  as  the  state  of  wandering 
without  work,  without  means  of  support  and  without  the  intention 
of  working  legally.  A  clearer  definition  of  vagrancy  would  be, 
according  to  von  Hippel,  "A  vagrant  is  one  who  wanders  illegally 
and  at  the  expense  of  others."  In  short,  the  vagrant  is  a  professional 
and  penniless  parasite. 

Nor  is  the  penal  code  definition  of  begging  more  precise.  Begging 
is  generally  understood  as  the  request  lor  a  gift  having  value,  which 
request  must  be  based  upon  real  or  alleged  need,  and  must  be  directed 
toward  a  strange  person;  and  the  article  requested  must  be  for  the 
use  of  the  person  requesting  the  gift  or  for  those  dependent  upon 
such  person.  Begging  in  time  of  direct  need  is  not  subject  to  punish- 
ment, nor  when  the  person  asking  alms  directs  his  request  to  a  public 
authority  appointed  to  bestow  relief. 

Von  Hippel  states  that  there  is  no  unanimity  in  the  various  police 
courts  as  to  the  inflictions  of  the  supplementary  sentence  to  the  work- 


ii4  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

house,  in  respect  either  to  age  nor  ability  to  work.  The  law  is  not 
mandatory  that  all  beggars  and  vagrants  shall  be  after  their  imprison- 
ment (Haft)  remanded  in  charge  of  the  police  authorities;  nor  is 
there  any  rule  as  to  procedure  by  the  police  courts  in  the  matter. 
Far  more  frequently  the  provincial  court  sentences  the  mendicant 
or  beggar  simply  to  a  few  days'  imprisonment  without  remand  there- 
after to  the  police  authorities.  Through  divided  responsibility  of 
courts,  the  speedy  decisions  by  the  judges,  and  too  little  investigation 
of  the  previous  careers  and  "conditions  of  servitude"  of  the  defend- 
ants, there  results  this  situation,  according  to  von  Hippel,  that  a  large 
proportion  of  the  offenders  get  into  the  workhouse  only  after  they 
have  repeatedly  been  punished  with  short  sentences. 

Convicted  mendicants  and  vagrants  may  be  sentenced  to  the  work- 
house for  from  six  months  to  two  years,  the  first  time  for  the  minimum 
period,  the  length  of  the  sentence  increasing  proportionally  with  each 
further  commitment.  Under  special  circumstances  the  police  judge 
may  reduce  the  sentence  to  not  less  than  three  months. 


Prison  Yard,   Rrauwciler  Workhouse,  Germany. 


Protestant  Chapel.  Brauwcilor  Workhouse.  Germany. 


Engine  Room,  Brauweilcr  Workhouse.  Germany 


Kitchen,  Brauweiler  Workhouse.  Germany 


<£ljaptrr  (EljtrUrn 


RUMMELSBURG,    A     BERLIN    WORKHOUSE 

A  few  miles  from  the  center  of  Berlin  and  still  within  the  city  limits, 
is  located  the  municipal  workhouse,  which  in  administration 
differs  from  the  majority  of  German  workhouses  in  that  it  is  under 
city  management,  instead  of  under  county  or  state  control.     To  a  New 
York  visitor  it  offers  especially  interesting  comparisons  with  our  own 
workhouse  on  BlackweU's  island. 

In  acreage  it  is  restricted,  as  compared  with  compulsory  labor 
colonies.     Where  Veenhuizen  has  some  8000  acres,  Rummelsburg  has 
hardly  20  acres.     A  wall  surrounds  the  buildings, 
A  City  though  sufficient  acreage  exists  for  a  garden  of 

Workhouse.  reasonable  size.  Rummelsburg  is  a  beggar  col- 
ony, compressed  into  city  dimensions.  In  area 
a  vivid  contrast  to  Veenhuizen  and  Merxplas,  it  serves  as  prison  for 
the  same  classes  of  offenders  —  beggars,  vagrants  and  souteneurs. 
Consequently  Rummelsburg  can  answer  our  question:  "How  are 
beggars  and  vagrants  dealt  with  when  a  great  labor  colony  is  not 
available?" 

The  population  in  the  fiscal  year  1909-1910  was: 

Men  Women  Total 

April  i,  1909 1,628  83  1,711 

Admissions M73  IO5  1.278 

Discharges 1,361  196  1,457 

Died 7  3  10 

Remaining  March  31,  1910 '.433  $9  1.522 

The  daily  average  population  for  the  past  ten  years  has  been: 

Men  Women      Total 

1900 1,107  15I  !»*58 

if  i 1,128  150  1,278 

1902 1,600  152  1,752 

1903 1,660  117  1,777 

1904  i.&H  145  »»839 

1905 i.   :  129  1,978 

1906 i      >  117  1,802 

1907 1.369  65  1,434 

1908 1,403  58  1,461 

1909 1,478  80  1,558 

However,  only  a  part  of  the  inmates  are  confined  at  Rummelsburg. 
The  city  possesses  great  sewage  disposal  plants  outside  the  city,  which 
are  manned  largely  by  inmates  from  Rummelsburg,  who  are  housed  in 

"S 


n6  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

great  barracks,  containing  dormitories,  refectories,  overseers'  quarters, 
other  rooms,  discipline  cells,  etc. 

The  average  daily  population,  classified  according  to  location,  was 
as  follows  in,  1909-1910,  the  year  to  which  all  following  statistics 
apply  unless  otherwise  noted: 

Men  Women 

Institution,  Rummelsburg 575  80 

Hospital  Reinickendorf. 9      

Night-asylum  (Berlin) 3      

Sewage  disposal  plants. 89 1      


1,478  80 

As  indicated  in  the  introductory  paragraphs,  Rummelsburg,  like 
other  German  workhouses,  serves  as  place  of  detention  and  labor 
for  those  sentenced  to  after-imprisonment  from  6  months  to  2  years, 
after  the  completion  of  their  short  imprisonment.  In  the  fiscal  year' 
1909-1910  there  were  admitted  thus  1025  men  and  101  women,  while 
148  men  and  4  women  were  admitted  because  of  recapture  or  com- 
pletion of  the  term  of  imprisonment. 

Within  the  institution  the  male  inmates  work  in  the  shops,  the 
laundry,  the  bakery,  kitchen,  woodyard,  and  as  clerks,  or  attendants 
in  the  hospital.  Outside,  at  the  sewage  disposal  plant,  the  thirteen 
^angs  work  under  overseers,  generally  reaching  the  plants  shortly 
after  their  admission  to  Rummelsburg,  and  remaining  at  this  work 
until  their  discharge.  The  women  inmates  at  Rummelsburg  perform 
the  work  customarily  assigned  to  their  sex  in  prison. 

Sentences  are  from  six  months  to  two  years,  according  to  previous 
prison  records.  According  to  the  official  report  of  Rummelsburg, 
"the  majority  of  the  inmates  are  old  'customers'  of  the  institution, 
who  never  reform,  or  who  because  of  social  conditions  cannot  reform 
and  therefore  return  ever  within  the  walls  of  their  second  home  in 
order  there  to  pass  two  years  more.  These  people,  who  within  the 
institution  generally  do  their  tasks  willingly  and  industriously,  lack 
for  the  most  part  strength  of  character,  because  of  their  wretched 
education.  Frequently  they  leave  the  institution  with  the  best 
of  intentions  to  'make  good,'  find  at  times  a  suitable  occupation,  and 
lead  for  a  time  a  proper  and  honest  life.  After  some  misfortunes  or 
unsuccessful  trials  they  soon  fall  back  into  the  old  ways,  beg,  wander, 
and  give  up  to  their  worst  enemy,  drink,  until  the  judge  returns  them 
to  the  shelter  of  the  workhouse. 

"The  souteneurs  form  a  distasteful  and  annoying  class,  ever  plotting 
escape  and  ever  discontent  with  enforced  labor.  It  is  interesting 
to  note  that  the  other  inmates  avoid  the  souteneurs  as  much 
as  possible." 

As  regards  the  discharged  inmates,  the  report  continues:  "Al- 
though the  reformatory  results  of  the  institution  are  relatively  slight, 
Rummelsburg  nevertheless  succeeds  in  forcing  the  work-shys  to 


A  CITY  WORKHOUSE.  117 

labor  for  the  betterment  of  the  community,  which  they  assuredly  do 
not  do  'on  the  outside.' 

The  discharges  in  1909-1910  were  as  follows: 

Discharged  with  residence IOI 

Discharged  without  residence 1, 112 

Discharged  to  police  or  court  authorities 192 

Discharged  to  hospital  or  insane  hospital 9 

Discharged  to  hospital  after  discharge  or  release  from  Rummelsburg  . .  33 

Died 10 


M57 

That  many  of  the  inmates  are  old-timers  is  graphically  shown  by 
the  records  of  previous  convictions. 

Men  Women 

Korrektionshaft  (local  jail) 418  71 

Korrektionshaft  more  than  3  times 517  10 

Geschaerfte  Haft  (local  jail),  more  than  10  times 290  14 

Geschaerfte  Haft  more  than  20  times 375  2 1 

Gefaengnis  (prison) 769  54 

Zuchthaus  (convict  prison) 102  5 

Admitted  within  a  year  after  discharge  from  institution 193  7 

The  causes  of  commitment  to  the  institution  are,  as  might  be 
expected,  largely  mendicancy  and  vagrancy: 

Men  Women 

Vagabondage 2  2 

Begging 658    

Prostitution 71 

Homelessness 309  28 

Souteneurs 55      

1.024  101 

Comparatively  few  are  discharged  on  a  minimum  sentence.  The 
sentence  is  determinate,  the  term  being  fixed  by  the  police  judges. 

Men  Women 

Up  to  6  months 131  44 

''  months  and  under  2  years 433  47 

Two  years ; : 461  10 

1.025  IO( 

At  Veenhuizen  the  average  age  of  the  colonists  was  said  to  be  not  far 
from  50  years.  At  Rummelsburg  the  admissions  of  persons  between 
30  and  60  years  of  age  form  practically  eighty  per  cent  of  the 
admissions. 

Age  at  time  of  admission :  Men  Women 

•8  years 2  2 

19  years 53 


u8  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

Age  at  time  of  admission  —  Continued.  Men  Women 

20  years 3  3 

21  years 2 

21  years  up  to  25 45  30 

25  years  up  to  30 86  12 

30  years  up  to  40 246  13 

40  years  up  to  50 300  19 

50  years  up  to  60 266  15 

60  years  up  to  70 71  3 

70  years  and  over 2      

The  institution  keeps  certain  annual  social  statistics  that  throw 
light  on  the  characteristics  of  the  inmates. 

Birth:  Men  Women 

Legitimate 97 1  96 

Illegitimate 54  5 

Religion: 

Evangelical 854  8 1 

Catholic 168  20 

Jewish 2      

Other I      

Education  up  to  14  years: 

At  home 947  86 

With  strangers 78  15 

Public  institutions 

Parents: 

Died  before  inmate  was  14  years  old: 

Father  died 115  1 1 

Mother  died 78  8 

Both  parents 23  6 

Stepfather I      

Stepmother I      

School  education: 

None 

Scanty 5  3 

Common  school I>OI3  98 

High  school 7      

Language: 

German 1,016  98 

Polish  and  German 7  3 

Military: 

Served  in 94 

Conjugal  condition: 

Single 723  65 

Married 162  21 

Widower 74  9 

Divorced 66  6 


Forge   Room,   Brauweiler   Workhouse.  Germany 


Weaving  Shop.  Brauweiler  Workhouse,  Germany 


OCCUPATIONS.  119 

Income:  Men   Women 

Without 1,025  IO1 

Health: 

Able  to  work 1,024  97 

Partially  able I  4 

Analysis  of  the  above  figures  can  be  but  partially  satisfactory,  yet 
it  is  to  be  noted  (a)  that  the  population  is  almost  entirely  Protestant 
and  Catholic;  (b)  that  a  considerable  proportion,  about  5  per  cent, 
acknowledged  their  birth  as  illegitimate;  (c)  that  about  20  per  cent 
had  lost  either  one  or  both  parents  by  their  fourteenth  year;  (d)  that 
the  general  average  of  schooling  was  good,  although  few  (seven 
in  all)  had  gone  beyond  the  Volkschule  (common  school);  (e)  that 
the  population  was  almost  entirely  German,  or  at  least  spoke  German, 
apparently  therefore  nonforeign  or  but  little  mixed  with  foreigners; 
(t)  that  less  than  10  per  cent  had  served  in  the  army,  an  unintelligible 
fact  to  the  writer  in  view  of  compulsory  conscription  in  Germany; 
(g)  that  only  5  out  of  1 126  were  even  partially  incapacitated  for  work, 
which  is  explained  by  the  presence  of  a  hospital  adjoining  the  insti- 
tution, to  which  practically  all  infirm  convicted  prisoners  are  sent. 

The  homogeneous  character  of  the  population  is  undoubtedly  one 
ground  for  the  relatively  small  proportion  of  cases  of  discipline, 
which  amounted  to  9.7  per  cent  with  the  male  inmates  and  4.9  per 
cent  with  the  female  inmates. 

Turning  now  to  the  occupations  of  the  inmates,  our  chief  interest 

will  be  to  learn  not  only  the  variety  of  occupations  and  the  output 

in  each    occupation,    but   also   the    relative   cost 

Occupations.       of  administration  as   well    as   the    receipts    from 

the  institution's    activities.     German    institutions 

measure  labor  by  "working  days  "  as  well  as  by  the  number  of  persons 

employed.     In  explanation  of  the  following  figures,  it  is  to  be  stated 

that  the  so-called  "earnings"  of  the  inmates  are  estimated,  and  are 

not   represented    by   actual    payments   of  money.     Thus,   the   men 

working  at  the  sewage  disposal  farms,  are  estimated  to  earn  each 

40  pfennigs  (10  American  cents)  a  day  in  the  seven  summer  months, 

while    inmates   employed    in   gardening   "earn"    70   pfennigs    (17$ 

American  cents)  a  day,  etc.     The  following  scale  of  imputed  earnings 

is  of  interest: 

Pfennigs1 

Sewage  disposal  farms  (summer) 40 

Helpers  in  municipal  buildings 70 

Gardening  at  orphan  asylum 70 

Piece  work,  boys  shins 25 

Piece  work,  girls  shirts 15 

Laundry,  I  kilogram  of  washing 13 

Amounting  to  daily  wage  of. 76 

Shoemakers,  tailors,  carpenters,  cabinet  makers,  machinists  (extra)  etc  70 

'One  cent=four  pfennig* 


I2O 


THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


Pfennigs1 
Agricultural  work  ................................................         70 

Shoemakers,  tailors,  carpenters,  cabinet  makers,  machinists,  etc  ......         50 

Pickers  of  bed-feathers,  rope,  etc.,  for  i  kilogram  bed-feathers  ...(marks)          2 
For  100  kilograms  rope    ..............................  (marks)         10 

In  the  last  ten  years  the  average  daily  per  capita  earnings  have  been 
as  follows: 

Pfennigs  (divide  by 
4  for  American 
cents) 

I9°9  .................................................     54 

1908  ..............  ....................................     58 

I9°7  .................................................     56 

1906  ..........  .......................................     62 

1905  ..............  ...................................     40 

i9°4  .................................................    39 

1903  .................................................    40 

i902  ...............  ..................................     47 

1901  .................................................     56 

1900  ...................................  .  .....  ........     56 


50.8  pf.=T$.I25 

Turning  now  to  the  total  days'  work  in  the  various  activities,  and 
also  to  the  imputed  earnings,  we  have: 


PAID  WORK 


DAY'S  WORK 


Men 


Women 


EARNINGS 


Total 


Per 

capita 

average 

daily 


(1)  Outside  the  Workhouse: 

(a)  On    the    sewage    disposal    farms 

April  to  October 

(b)  For  other  municipal  departments . 

(c)  For  officers  of  orphan  asylums  and 

night  shelter 

(2)  Inside  the  Workhouse: 

(a)  Sewing 

(b)  Laundry 

(c)  Wood  chopping 

(d)  Other  inside  work 

(e)  Farm  work 

(f)  For  officers  in  the  shops 

(g)  Picking  of  bed-feathers 


148,142 
2,374 


'212 


(h)  Oakum  picking. 


22,307 

4,999 
1,406 

5,352 
9,162 
6,874 


Marks 
(£.23-8) 

59^56 
1,  660 

II 

99 

35,577 
6,408 

3,488 

984 
2,695 

565 
81 


Pfennigs 


40 
70 

70 

47 
76 
29 
70 
70 

50 
6 


'One  cent=four  pfennigs 


EARNINGS  AND  GRATUITIES. 


121 


UNPAID  WORK 

DAY'S  WORK 

EARNING* 

Men 

Women 

Total 

Per 

capita 
average 
daily 

(i)    On   the     sewage    disposal     farms, 
November-March  

102,113 

961 
32'399 
'.363 
12,887 

In  the  municipal  night  shelter.  .  .  . 
(2)    Laborers   and    artisans  .       

Gardeners  

Kitchen  workers  

Sewing  and  mending  

18,201 

Laundry  workers      

7»429 

37.437 
26,531 

Domestic      work       including       clerks, 
bookbinders,  attendants,  watchmen, 
foremen,  etc              

Cooks  and  domestic  workers  

The  earnings  above  mentioned  (Marks  75,798)  are  largely  imputed 

earnings.     In  reality  the  institution  and  its  sewage  disposal  plants 

are  a  comparatively  heavy  expense  to  the  city  of 

Earnings          Berlin.     Before   turning  to  the   annual    financial 

and  statement  of  the  Rummelsburg  workhouse,  let  us 

Gratuities.        note  thel  debit  and  credit  accounts  relating  to  the 

gratuities  paid  or  alloted  to  the  inmates. 

In  the  year  1909-1910  the  following  gratuities  were  alloted  (I  use 
the  word  gratuities  to  differentiate  these  allotments  from  the  imputed 
earnings). 

Not  paid  out  of  workhouse  funds: 

For  work  on  the  sewage  disposal  farm 

Other  work  outside  institution 

Other  work  inside  institution 

Work  for  officers  of  the  workhouse 

Paid  from  workhouse  funds: 

Work  on  bakery  of  workhouse 

Work  on  farm  and  garden 

Other  work  in  workhouse. . 


Marks 
28,009 
4*4 
456 
539 

3*4 
140 
11,972 


Add  sums  received  from  other  prisons  or  departments  on  account  of 

inmates  ...................  7*3^ 


49.344 


122  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

Expenditures  in  favor  of  inmates:  Marks 

Additional  food  ..............................................  IO»355 

Stamps,  etc  .................................................  123 

Military  papers  and  passes  ....................................  269 

Fines  for  damaged  or  destroyed  articles  .........................  1,613 

Clothing  for  time  of  discharge  ................................  3>O23 

Sundries  ....................................................  398 

Payments  at  discharge  ........................................  33>I29 


Definitely,  therefore,  on  behalf  of  the  inmates  there  are  spent 
yearly  approximately  $12,000,  of  which  nearly  three-fourths  is  given 
the  inmates  on  their  release,  and  practically  all  of  which  is  considered 
earned  by  the  inmates.  Since  in  1909-1910,  1457  persons  were 
released,  the  average  amount  per  person  given  on  release  was  about 
33.6  marks  or  about  $8.00,  a  fair  sum  for  German  conditions. 

This  city  workhouse  of  Berlin  is  far  from  a  paying  investment 
financially.     The  budget  of  the  workhouse  for  1911  showed  the  fol- 
lowing probable  receipts  and  expenditure  on  an  estimated  average 
population  of  2147  (including  686  persons  in  two  attached  hospitals 
under  the  same  administration  as  that  of  the  workhouse)  : 

Marks 
Receipts  (estimated)  ...........................................     297,  100 

Expenditures  (estimated)  .......................................     870,000 

Deficit  (to  be  met  by  city)  ..................................     572,900 

The  budget  figures  do  not  permit  a  ready  division  of  expense 
between  workhouse  and  hospitals.  The  per  capita  per  diem  cost  in 
1909-1910  of  the  following  categories  will  be  instructive. 

Marks 

Workhouse  inmates,  ablebodied  .................................          °-97 

Incapacitated  persons  in  hospital,  not  ill  ..........................          1  .41 

111  persons  in  hospital  ..........................................          i  .  79 

It  seems  probable  that  if  the  workhouse  administration  were  not 
burdened  with  the  expenses  of  the  hospitals,  and  contained  only  able- 
bodied  inmates,  its  annual  expenditures  would  not  be  more  than 
20,000  marks  above  its  receipts.  On  the  other  hand,  the  hospitals 
receive  a  large  number  of  the  broken-down,  sick  and  incapacitated 
offenders  that  with  us  would  be  sent  to  the  workhouse. 

In  short,  the  Berlin  workhouse  is  a  correctional  institution  where 
all  able-bodied  inmates  are  required  to  render  a  reasonable  amount 
of  work;  where  the  terms  of  imprisonment  are  sufficiently  long  "to  be 
felt,"  and  where  an  average  daily  population  of  between  1400  and 
1500  is  maintained  at  an  approximate  total  annual  expense  of  from 

(*)  The  pfennigs  in  connection  with  each  amount  have  not  been  given  in  the  list.  Hence 
the  sum  total  seems  slightly  larger  than  the  sum  of  the  separate  amounts  given. 


Bag  and   Paper   Shop,   Brauweiler   Workhouse.   Germany 


Printing  Shop,  Brauweiler  Workhouse,  Germany 


EARNINGS  AND  GRATUITIES.  123 

150,000  to  $75,000    including  the  costs  of  necessary  improvements, 
interest,  etc. 

Turning  now  to  the  daily  life  of  the  Berlin  workhouse  inmates, 
we  find  a  long  day  and  an  active  day,  with  a  dietary  far.  below  that 
of  the  average  American  prison  or  penitentiary.  The  days  program 
is  as  follows: 

Summer, 
workdays 
Rising  hour  ...................................  ,   *  r 

Work  ......................................................   ]£ 

Breakfast  ...................................................   6-6.15 

Leisure  .....................................................  6.15-6.30 

Work  ......................................................  6.30-11 

Dinner  ..................................................       12 

Work  ......................................................   ,-5 

.......................   5-15-5  30 

5-30-7.30 


Bed  ........................................................   7.30 

Locking  up  .................................................  7-45 

^In  short,  twelve  and  one-half  hours'  work,  forty-five  minutes  for 
meals,  one  hour  and  fifteen  minutes  of  leisure,  and  nine  hours  and 
fifteen  minutes  of  bedtime.  A  program  in  which  the  work  feature, 
if  carried  out,  is  pre-eminent. 

On  Sunday  the  inmates  rise  an  hour  later,  have  church  in  the 
morning  and  reading  aloud  in  the  afternoon,  and  go  to  bed  at  5.45 
in  the  evening;  certainly  an  uneventful  Sunday. 

In  winter  the  inmates  rise  at  5.45  instead  of  4.45,  but  in  other 
respects  follow  the  summer  week-day  routine.  On  Saturday  evenings 
the  workday  ends  at  6.30  instead  of  7.30. 

To  one  who  has  previously  visited  Veenhuizen  or  Merxplas,  the 
Rummelsburg  workhouse  is  not  particularly  interesting.  Industries 
within  the  institution  are  not  very  varied.  The  modern  equipment 
of  kitchen  and  laundry  is  noteworthy.  The  souteneurs  are  used  in 
the  laundry,  partly  because  it  is  considered  more  laborious  and 
disagreeable  work,  and  partly  because  active  persons  are  needed. 
The  bakery  and  laundry  supply  the  needs  of  several  neighboring 
charitable  institutions.  Among  the  industries  at  the  workhouse  an 
the  picking  of  feathers,  oakum  picking,  cobbling,  carpentry,  book- 
binding, tailoring,  gardening,  matmakmg.  But  the  heavy  work  is 
done  on  the  sewage  disposal  farms. 

The  population  of  the  workhouse  on  the  day  of  my  visit,  August 
2,  1911,  was  as  follows: 

Men   Women 
In  dormitories  .............................  404  40 

Hospital  ......................................  5*  »7 

Clerks  ....................  10 

Bakery  ...................................  14 

Kitchen..  ..................................         IO      ...... 


124  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

Men  Women 

Under  arrest 4      

Isolated r  I      

Sewage  disposal  plants 696      


1,200  57 

What  are  the  results  of  the  Berlin  workhouse  ?  No  greater 
apparently  than  at  Veenhuizen  or  Merxplas.  Scanty  diet,  long  work 
hours,  a  fearful  monotony  of  existence,  final  discharge  —  and  in  the 
majority  of  cases  an  eventual  return  of  the  inmate.  Would  better 
diet  alter  the  proportion  of  recidivists  ?  It  would  probably 
increase  the  number.  Would  more  varied  trades  equip  the  men  for 
self-support  ?  The  men  are,  most  of  them,  old  and  under-willed. 
Is  the  regime  too  severe  ?  The  director  is  an  enthusiastic,  warm- 
hearted, sincere  man  with  the  interest  of  his  charges  at  heart. 

What  can  be  done  ?  The  answer,  echoing  down  from  decades  and 
generations  of  experience  —  for  the  Rummelsburg  workhouse  was 
founded  by  Frederick  the  Great  —  is:  Prevent  the  young  man  from 
becoming  a  beggar  or  a  vagrant. 

In  a  separate  small  room  an  old  man  was  cutting  out  the  parts 
of  institutional  suits.  "Let's  see  the  old  tailor,"  said  the  director. 
The  door  was  unlocked,  and  the  aged  worker  stood  at  his  task.  I 
asked  him  this  question:  "If  you  were  a  judge  and  had  to  decide 
what  to  do  with  vagabonds,  would  you  send  them  here  ? "  "I  would." 
"Can  you  cure  or  reform  the  men  who  have  taken  to  the  road?" 
'  You  can't."  '  Then  what  society  has  to  do  is  to  lock  them  up 
repeatedly?"  'That's  it.  And  remember  this  —  the  only  time 
to  cure  fellows  like  me  is  —  when  we're  boys.  When  we  get  along 
later,  we  haven't  the  grit  to  fight  any  longer  to  be  honest  and  indus- 
trious. So  we  get  sent  back  here." 


(Eljapfrr    JFourtmt 


BRAUWEILER,  A  COUNTY  OR  PROVINCIAL  WORKHOUSE 

A  thousand  years  ago  a  German  count  Eberhard  of  the  Rhine 
caused  a  vast  territory  west  of  the  city  of  Cologne  to  be  denuded 
of  trees.  Then,  near  the  city,  he  established  a  little  settlement 
called  Brauweiler.  The  count's  son  married  at  Brauweileranemperor's 
daughter  in  the  village  church.  This  was  in  988  A.  D.  The  legepd 
relates  that  the  happy  bridal  pair,  wandering  out  into  the  castle  yard, 
planted  a  mulberry  tree  taken  from  the  bridal  bouquet. 

Nearly  a  thousand  years  have  passed.     The  earthly  remains  of 

the  royal  bride  and  her  husband  lie  beneath  the  stones  of  the  church, 

while  the  mulberry  tree  has  through  ten  centuries 

History.  flourished  as  a  gnarled  and  powerful  tree  in  the 

cloister    court.     And    where    once    royalty    was 

wedded,  and  where  through  centuries  the  Benedictine  monks  lived 

and  worked  within  monastery  walls,  here  now  the  unhappy  "brothers 

of  the  highway,"  the  beggars  and  the  vagabonds  of  the  Rhine  province 

of  today,  labor  and  live. 

For  the  old  monastery  has  become  a  prison.  The  old  church, 
rich  with  valuable  paintings  and  frescoes,  has  become  the  workhouse 
chapel,  and  beneath  the  vaulted  arches  of  more  than  one  corridor 
where  it  is  easy  to  imagine  the  Benedictine  brothers  once  eating  in 
silence,  now  the  mendicant  and  the  vagabond  sit  at  long  tables  eating 
their  scanty  fare. 

Forcibly  indeed  was  I  struck  at  Brauweiler  with  three  things:  the 
wonderful  historic  surroundings  of  the  cloister-converted  workhouse; 
the  remarkable  productivity  of  the  institution;  and,  in  the  director, 
Herr  von  Jarotsky,  the  embodiment  of  a  double  personalty,  that  of 
a  devout  lover  of  the  ancient  arts  of  painting  and  architecture  and 
that  of  an  enterprising  business  man,  who  prides  himself  on  his  work- 
house output  hardly  less  than  upon  his  extensive  knowledge  of  the 
thousand-year  history  of  the  Brauweiler  community. 

Not  every  country  or  province  could  turn  a  tumble-down  monastery 
into  an  up-and-coming  factory,  manned  by  the  cast-off  work-shys 
of  the  land,  yet  at  Brauweiler  more  than  in  any  other  one  institution 
on  the  continent,  did  I  see  the  wheels  of  industry  go  round. 

We  have  in  New  York  state  four  mainly  idle  county  penitentiaries. 
Brauweiler  in  the  Rhine  province  is  a  county  penitentiary.  Let  us 
study  it,  and  we  can  learn  much  about  what  county  penitentiaries  can 
produce: 

Brauweiler  is  reached  from  Cologne  by  a  half  hour's  railroad 
journey,  followed  by  a  carriage  ride  of  two  miles  across  a  prairie-like 
plain  billowing  with  grain,  the  product  of  the  workhouse.  The  land, 
after  a  thousand  years  of  often  intensive  cultivation,  is  still  remarkably 

"5 


126 


THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


fertile.  The  village  of  Brauweiler  clusters  about  the  old  monastery 
church.  The  workhouse  buildings  are  numerous,  but  largely  within 
the  original  monastery  enclosure.  The  motto  of  the  workhouse 
might  well  be:  "Made  in  Brauweiler."  Not  only  have  the  buildings 
been  renovated  and  new  buildings  erected  by  the  inmates,  but  artistic 
restorations  of  the  directors'  room,  of  the  superintendent's  room,  of 
the  Protestant  chapel  and  other  historical  rooms  have  been  done  by 
the  inmates  under  direction.  Let  us  note  at  the  outset  the  financial 
statement  of  the  Brauweiler  workhouse  for  1908,  and  the  budget  for 
1911. 

1908  1911 

Receipts:  Marks          Marks 

Care  of  county  and  local  poor,  dependent  children  and 

insane 86, 130         74,460 

Farm  and  stock 36,000         36,000 

Industries 259,650       335,000 

Store 29,000         34,000 

Mill  and  bakery 97,000          15,000 

Sundries 5,52°  4,°4° 

Subsidy  from  provincial  government 163,000       215,000 

590,000       714,000 

Expenditures: 

Salaries  and  wages 218,587  261,622 

Food 210,000  259,000 

Clothing • 45,ooo  50,000 

Bedding,  etc 12,000  12,000 

Laundry  and  cleaning 8,500  9,500 

Implements 9,500  1 1,500 

Heat 33>7°°  44,4OO 

Light 9,100  10,700 

Water. ..." 4,000  2,800 

Medicine 3,i°o  3,400 

Church  and  school 3,650  3,°5° 

Upkeep  of  building 18,000  18,000 

Sundries 15,863  28,028 


Total 590,000       714,000 

In  brief  the  institution  (including  also  a  department  for  dependent 
and  delinquent  children,  a  poorhouse  and  an  insane  hospital)  was 
run  in  1908  at  a  net  expense  of  163,000  marks,  or  approximately 
$38,974,  or  at  a  daily  per  capita  expense  of  36.6  pfennigs,  or  9  cents. 
In  1911,  the  net  expense  was  215,000  marks  ($51,170),  a  daily  per 
capita  expense  of  42  pfennigs,  or  10  cents. 

To  perceive  more  clearly  what  this  means  we  must  note  that  the 
department  for  the  insane,  town  and  county  poor  and  for  dependent 
children  were  but  slightly,  if  at  all,  industrially  productive.  Without 


CONDUCT.  127 

these  "appendages"  the  workhouse  itself  might  well  become  self- 
supporting.     The  population  on  April  I,  1911,  was  as  follows: 

Male    Female 

Workhouse 1,118          191 

Capacity  of  workhouse 1,500          300 

We  find  in  Brauweiler  as  in  other  similar  correctional  institutions 
two  classes  of  inmates:  (a)  professional  beggars  and  vagrants,  many 
of  them  of  feeble  mentality  and  most  of  them  weakened  by  alcoholic 
excesses.  The  average  age  of  this  class  at  Brauweiler  is  45  years. 
They  are  easy  to  control,  and  work  willingly  and  industriously, 
(b)  The  souteneurs,  the  despicable  male  creatures  who  live  upon  the 
earnings  of  prostitutes;  they  are  mainly  young,  strong  men,  protesting 
against  the  compulsion  to  work,  plotting  escape  and  maintaining 
in  general  a  vicious,  malicious  attitude  toward  the  purpose  of  the 
workhouse. 

The  term  of  imprisonment  is  from  six  months  to  two  years  as  in 
Berlin.  The  average  length  of  imprisonment  at  Brauweiler  is 
fourteen  months. 

The  inmates  work  almost  entirely  in  association,  at  the  industries 
and  on  the  farm.  There  is  a  noticeable  contrast  between  the  attitude 
of  the  Prussian  prison  and  of  the  Prussian  workhouse  in  respect  to 
freedom  of  intercourse  and  of  work.  The  prison  lays  stress  on  the 
rule  of  silence,  separate  employment  and  separate  cells.  The  work- 
house, recognizing  that  most  of  its  inmates  are  not  dangerous  to 
society,  allows  comparative  freedom  of  speech,  allows  work  in  asso- 
ciation, but  lays  far  more  emphasis  than  do  the  prisons  on  work. 
Many  men  much  prefer  the  prison  to  the  workhouse.  The  inmates 
work  therefore  in  common  in  workrooms  by  day  and  sleep  in  dormi- 
tories, which  are  not  in  general  divided  into  cells  or  cubicles,  although 
there  were  138  iron  cubicles  for  men  and  42  iron  cubicles  that  were 
utilized  for  inmates  whose  habits  would  tend  to  demoralize  or  corrupt 
the  other  inmates. 

At  the  time  of  my  visit  in  August,  1911,  an  isolation  disciplinary 
building  with  separate  cells  was  being  constructed  by  inmate  labor 
to  accommodate  200  unruly  or  perverse  inmates,  as  well  as  those 
whom  it  may  be  necessary  to  isolate  because  of  contagious  disease. 
This  building  will  cost  about  $125,000. 

In  general  the  inmates  are  fairly  trustworthy  as  regards  both  work 

and  conduct.     Window  gratings  and  locks  are  not  of  prison  strength. 

some    of  the   windows    being   wired   instead    of 

Conduct.          barred.       Little    care    is    taken    to    guard    the 

individual  inmate  during  the  day.     The  work  in 

the  fields,  occupying  a  large  proportion  of  the  inmates,  is  supervised 

by  guards  without  weapons.     The  men  for  the  farm  work  are  chosen 

from  those  who  have  shown  themselves   more  "trusty."     Escapes 

from  inside  the  workhouse   are   rare,   but   men  in  the   fields   make 

frequent  attempts,  the  temptations  of  "earth   and   field   and  sky" 


128  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

being  too  strong.  As  in  Veenhuizen  and  Merxplas,  the  escapes  are 
not  taken  very  seriously  by  the  director  of  the  workhouse  or  the 
government,  for  the  escaped  inmate  is  rarely  a  menace  to  society, 
and  he  is  generally  soon  caught  and  brought  back.  Such  inmates 
lose  the  "costs"  of  their  escape  from  the  money  they  have  earned, 
and  if  the  detention  period  does  not  amount  to  two  years  they  are 
detained  for  some  months  beyond  the  time  of  their  original  sentence. 
No  corporal  punishment  is  permitted. 

The  inmates  rise  at  half  past  four  in  the  summer,  in  winter  at  5.30 
and  go  to  bed  at  7.15  p.  m  The  daily  routine  is  similar  to  that  at 
Rummelsburg.  The  actual  work  period  is  in  summer  10  hours,  in 
winter  9  hours.  The  dietary  is  similar  to  that  of  the  prisons,  and 
the  food  is  supposed  to  be  sufficient  for  a  vigorous,  able-bodied  man. 
No  meat  is  provided,  yet,  according  to  official  report,  the  physical 
condition  of  a  majority  of  the  inmates  is  satisfactory.  Sick  diet  is 
of  course  provided  as  needed,  and  special  diet  is  provided  for  special 
cases;  and  as  a  reward  for  good  conduct  and  special  industriousness, 
the  latter  diet  containing  three  times  a  week  150  grammes  of  meat. 

All  inmates  not  occupied  in  the  open  air  must  exercise  a  half  hour 
a  day  in  the  open  air.  Bathing  is  compulsory  at  least  every  two 
weeks. 

The  hospital  is  modern.  There  are  10  male  wards  with  96  beds, 
and  5  female  wards  with  26  beds.  There  is  a  house  physician  trained 
in  psychiatry.  The  hospital  had  an  average  daily  population  in  1910 
of  27  men  and  5  women.  There  were  during  the  year  13  deaths  of 
male  inmates,  and  2  deaths  of  female  inmates. 

The  official  report  of  the  institution  states  that  the  clothing  of  the 
inmates  consists  of  a  complete  cloth  suit  and  a  complete  linen  suit 
(summer).  School  instruction  is  given  in  common  school  branches, 
and  the  workhouse  has  a  library  of  7500  volumes.  There  are  five 
religious  services  during  the  week. 

But  it  is  the  industrial  work  and  products  of  Brauweiler  that  com- 
mand particularly  the  attention  and  admiration  of  the  visitor.  The 
institution  aims  to  carry  on  as  varied  industries 
Industries.  as  possible,  not  only  to  give  the  inmates  larger 
chances  in  occupations  already  familiar  to  them, 
but  also  to  offer  as  little  competition  as  possible  to  free  labor  in  any  one 
branch.  Consequently — and  very  exceptionally  so  far  as  my  European 
visit  showed  —  machinery  and  electric  power  are  used  in  manufacture 
to  the  same  degree  as  is  customary  in  the  world  outside. 

The  workhouse  supplies  primarily  the  needs  of  the  government  of 
the  Rhine  province.  Many  of  theheavierorcoarsertasksofthe  province 
are  executed  by  the  inmates,  such  as  the  construction  of  provincial 
institutions,  as  well  as  work  on  roads,  in  fields  and  in  forest  and  on 
other  improvements.  All  equipment  of  public  institutions,  so  far  as 
possible,  is  manufactured  by  the  workhouse.  Hospitals,  juvenile 
protectories,  reform  schools,  deaf  and  dumb  schools  and  blind 
asylums  requisition  equipment  from  the  workhouse.  This  kind  of 
outside  work  and  other  work  for  the  government  is  done  by  preference. 


Exterior.  Brauweiler  Workhouse,  Germany 


Officers'  and   Employees'  Cottages.   Brauweiler  Workhouse,  Germany 


AN   IMPRESSIVE   LIST.  129 

Only  when  orders  are  slack  does  the  workhouse,  it  is  claimed,  do 
work  under  contract  for  private  parties. 

About  450  inmates  are  constantly  at  work  outside  the  workhouse 
in  building  or  in  work  on  the  soil.  Particular  attention  has  been  given 
for  some  years  to  the  improvement  of  a  neighboring  heath.  During 
the  summer  months  18  gangs  (12  men  ana  an  overseer  to  a  gang) 
are  used  on  the  neighboring  roads.  Two  special  road-wagons  are 
utilized  for  each  gang,  one  wagon  serving  for  kitchen  and  dining 
room,  the  other  for  sleeping  quarters.  The  wagons  are  drawn  by  one 
or  two  horses.  The  mentally  incompetent  inmates  are  used  when 
possible  in  the  workhouse  brickyard.  Within  the  workhouse  no 
contractors  are  allowed.  The  workhouse  buys  all  the  raw  material 
and  sells  all  its  finished  products. 

There  follows  now  a  list  of  some  of  the  articles  manufactured  in 
quantity  in  a  recent  year.     While  the  individual  items  may  not  be 
of  interest  to  all,  the  total  amounts  of  the  various 
An  Impressive     articles  manufactured  will  no  doubt  be  impressive, 
List.  especially  when  it  is  remembered  that  these  are 

largely  the  products  of  the  labor  of  beggars  and 
vagrants. 
Carpenter  Shop 
34  tables 
I 02  cupboards 
24  benches 
500  metres  looking  glass  frames 

I  complete  outfit  for  winter  school  Bergheim 
I  complete  equipment  for  a  children's  home 
i  room  furnished  in  oak 
44  church  benches 

many  mirrors,  sofas,  commodes,  chairs  and  stools,  wooden  floors, 
windows,  doors  for  director's  home  and  insane  hospital.  Also  car- 
pentry work  on  two  office  buildings. 

fPt  truing: 

750  metres  cloth  for  shirts  and  spreads 

4,040  gray  aprons 

6,030  sacks 

4,700  table  cloths 

11,000  towels 

1,500  napkins 

70,000  shirts  and  bedspreads 

3,300  kitchen  towels 

2,500  cleaning  towels 

1, 800  sail  cloth 

7,900  drilling  for  mattresses 

15,000  drilling  for  garments 

7,000  "  woollen  cloth  for  clothes 

5,800  nightclothes 

3,200  *  aprons 

7,500  "  beds 


130  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

Weaving — Continued: 

750  metres  cloth  for  shirts  and  spreads 

800  neckties 

3,200  handkerchiefs 

1,400  "                    curtains 

13,500  padding 

3,500  undergarments 

1,000  bandages 

4,000  twine 

4,000  "          cloth 

2,400  cloth 

6,000  gray  cloth 

2,500  woolen  coverlids 

2,500  flannel  shirts 

225  packing  bags 

The  value  of  the  products  was  250,000  marks. 

Iron  work,  foundry,  etc.: 
450  iron  beadsteads 
85  tables  for  sick  room 
33  washstands 
300  wire  mattresses 
100,000  tree  holders 

Several  dozen  each  of  milk  cans,  ice  cans,  pails,  etc. 
All  iron  work  for  the  insane  hospital,  such  as  window  gratings, 
weighing  15,000  kilograms. 

Tailor  shop,  pieces: 
1,430  coats  cloth 
1,380  trousers  cloth 

850  vests  cloth 
1,200  coats 

860  trousers 

500  vests 

1,450  underdrawers 
40  overcoats 

550  caps 
9,500  shirts 

325  garments,  woolen 

270  underskirts 

250  undergarments,  women 
1,650  aprons 

660  nightgowns 

3,500  neckties  and  handkerchiefs 
1,650  bedclothes 

900  bed  coverlids 
1,850  pillow  cases 

600  straw  sacks 

3,600  pairs  of  socks  and  stockings 

750  towels 
I   6,000  tablecloths 


Laundry.  Brauweilcr  Workhome,  Germany 


Sewing   Room.   Rrauwcilcr   Workhnus?.   Germany 


EARNINGS.  131 

Cobblers'  shop: 

6,700  pairs  of  shoes  soled  and  patched 
3,500  pairs  of  shoes  or  slippers  manufactured 

Mattress  shop: 
340  mattresses 
385  pillows 

Paper  industry: 

For  contractors,  envelopes  and  paper  bags  to  value  of  48,000  marks 

Printing  shop: 
•  2»575.°°°  formulas 
Many  smaller  jobs 

Bookbindery: 

Books  for  provincial  government 
Many  other  smaller  industries,  rtot  cited  in  detail. 

In  the  women's  division  80  females  are  occupied  with  domestic 
duties,  sewing  and  laundry  work.  The  laundry  work  of  about  600 
private  residences  is  handled,  many  customers  living  in  Cologne. 
In  six  years  the  earnings  of  the  laundry  have  met  the  cost  of  machines 
costing  53,000  marks. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  the  attitude  of  the  administration  toward 

the  financial  value  of  the  inmates'  work,  and  toward  the  earnings 

to  be  allowed  the  inmates.     The  labor  efficiency 

Earnings.         of  the  inmates  does  not  equal  that  of  the  average 

free  laborer;  therefore  the  estimated  value  of  the 

inmates'  labor  is  lower,  a  further  reduction  of  15  per  cent  to  20  per 

cent  being  made  for  the  province  and  its  institutions.     The  average 

daily  earning  capacity  of  the  inmates  for  the  workhouse  is  1.09  marks 

(26  cents),  a  sum  considerably  higher  than  the  per  capita  per  diem 

earnings  of  the  prisoners  in  the  state  prison.     In  1907  the  earnings 

of  the  workhouse  through  the  labor  of  prisoners  amounted  10344,975 

marks. 

The  industrious  inmates  receive  a  daily  gratuity  of  from  3  to  15 
pfennigs  (\  cents  to  3 \  cents),  a  part  of  which  may  be  used  for  the 
purchase  of  supplementary  food,  for  the  support  of  their  families 
and  for  the  purchase  of  additional  clothing.  The  larger  portion  of 
the  prisoner's  gratuities  is  saved  up  for  the  time  of  discharge,  a  part 
of  the  amount  saved  being  given  to  the  inmate  on  release,  and  the 
remainder  to  the  prisoners  aid  society  that  is  to  aid  the  inmate. 

Other  productive  activities  of  the  workhouse  were  in  a  recent  year 
the  following: 
Bakery: 

475,000  kilograms  of  bread  baked 

Mill: 

230,000  pounds  of  wheat  ground 
670,000  pounds  of  rye  ground 


132  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

Gas: 

All  gas  generated  in  the  gas  plant  of  the  workhouse 

Electricity: 
Generated  in  the  workhouse 

Heat: 
Generated  by  central  heating  plant  of  workhouse 

Water: 
Obtained  from  artesian  wells  belonging  to  workhouse 

Farm: 

Very  fertile  land  of  59^  hectares  (149  acres),  a  third  of  which  is  rented  to 
officers  of  the  workhouse,  while  another  third  is  pasture  land.  Rye,  wheat, 
hay,  potatoes,  beets,  and  other  vegetables  are  raised.  The  stock  con- 
sisted on  April  I,  1911,  mainly  of  218  pigs,  18  cows,  10  horses  and  85  hens. 
The  net  profit  from  the  farm  and  stock  in  1907  was  34,325  marks. 

What  results  does  Brauweiler  achieve  ?  What  percentage  of  ref- 
ormations are  recorded,  and  of  restoration  to  industrial  life  ?  Are 
results  more  gratifying  than  at  Merxplas,  Veenhuizen,  or  Rummels- 
b  urg  ? 

I  quote  from  a  recent  official  report.  "Though  detention  in  the 
workhouse  rarely  has  noticeable  results,  this  arises  from  the  fact 
that  in  most  of  the  inmates  the  tendency  to  vagas 
What  Are  bondage  is  so  deeply  rooted  that  even  two  year- 
trie  Results?  of  confinement  are  not  sufficient  to  overcome  the 
trait.  Most  of  the  discharged  men  soon  fall  back 
into  vagabondage  voluntarily  or  under  the  influence  of  their  old  com- 
panions. One  important  cause  of  recidivism  is  in  many  cases 
advanced  age,  as  well  as  physical  and  mental  weakness.  Alcohol  plays 
an  important  part  in  many  instances.  Prisoners'  aid  societies  can 
in  some  instances  achieve  results,  but  frequently  the  men  will  not  take 
take  the  places  secured  by  the  societies,  or  soon  give  the  employment 
up. 

"Although  the  reformative  and  educational  influences  of  the  work- 
house cannot  be  regarded  as  very  effective,  it  is  nevertheless  of 
importance  that  the  workhouse  does  remove  from  the  highway  a  large 
proportion  of  those  people  who  cost  society  many  thousand  marks 
annually  through  their  vagrant  life;  furthermore,  the  workhouse 
occupies  them  in  a  manner  useful  to  the  community  in  general.  This 
is  the  significance  of  the  Brauweiler  workhouse. " 


GERMAN  VOLUNTARY  LABOR  COLONIES 

NEAR  Bielefeld,  an  important  manufacturing  city  of  central  Prussia, 
is  the  thousand-acre  voluntary  labor  colony  of  Wilhelmsdorf, 
founded  in  1882  by  Pastor  von  Bodelschwmgh,  a  remarkable 
constructive   philanthropist,   known  for  his  good  works  among  men 
throughout  the  German  empire.     At  Bielefeld  a 
A  Voluntary       veritable  town  of  philanthropic  institutions    has 
Labor  Colony,     arisen  in  the  last  tnirty  years,  and  the  voluntary 
labor  colony,  some  half-dozen  miles  distant  from 
the  city,  is  but  one  of  the  undertakings  inspired  and  carried  through  by 
him.     This  colony  is  specially  significant  as  being  the  first  of  thirty- 
six   similar  colonies,  not  for  the  compulsory  detention   of  vagrants  and 
beggars,  but  for  the  voluntary  entrance  and  reception  of  the  stranded 
and  indigent  "brothers  of  the-  highway"  of  whom  there  were  in  the 
early  eighties  of  the  nineteenth  century  in  Germany  so  many  as  to 
be  a  veritable  plague. 

The  voluntary  labor  colonies  of  Germany  have  had  a  religious 
origin,  and  their  organized  and  systematic  treatment  of  the  broth- 
ers of  the  highway  has  been  largely  forced  upon  the  colonies  by  the 
world-wide  ingenuity  of  the  professional  penniless  idler  in  getting 
something  besides  sympathy  for  nothing. 

There  is  much  confusion  in  American  minds  regarding  the  difference 
between  German  compulsory  labor  colonies  and  German  voluntary 
labor  colonies.  To  German  compulsory  labor  colonies,  like  Rummels- 
burg  and  Brauweiler,  inmates  are  committed  by  the  courts,  and  are 
held  as  prisoners.  To  German  voluntary  labor  colonies  come  wan- 
derers of  their  own  will,  and  leave  very  largely  as  they  will.  The 
German  compulsory  labor  colonies  or  workhouses  are  state  or  pro- 
vincial institutions;  the  voluntary  labor  colonies  are  private  organi- 
zations, subsidized  in  various  amounts  by  public  funds. 

I  visited  Wilhelmsdorf  on   Sunday,   August   6,    1911.     A    gentle- 
man from  Bielefeld,  whom  I  joined  on  the  two-mile  walk  from  the 
railroad  station  to  the  colony,  was  going  to  visit  his  son,  picknicking 
for  a  week  with  a  group  of  schoolmates  at  this  cluster  of  charitable 
buildings  and  institutions  on  the  heath,  the  heath  itself  on  both  sides 
of  the   highway   having   been    reclaimed   during 
At  thirty  years   by  colonists.     The  colony   itself  is 

Wilhelmsdorf.  not  exclusively  for  wanderers.  A  home  for  epi- 
leptics, another  for  insane  poor,  another  for  inebri- 
ates, and  still  another  for  inebriates  able  to  pay  something  for  their 
care  and  rest-cure,  were  a  part  of  the  colony.  The  labor  colony 
started  the  settlement;  other  institutions  for  the  unfortunate  and 
afflicted  classes  have  been  added.  The  layout  of  the  colony  is  most 
attractive,  resembling  Veenhuizen  in  Holland,  although  much  smaller 

>33 


134  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  or  NEW  YORK. 

in  area.  When  the  colony  was  founded  in  1882,  there  was  only  one 
road  through  the  forest;  now  the  district  has  been  fully  opened  up 
by  the  roads  built  by  the  colonists. 

In  the  comparatively  brief  limits  of  my  report,  I  cannot  take  up 
in  detail  the  administration  of  this  single  colony  of  Wilhelmsdorf, 
but  must  rather  cite  important  generalizations  regarding  the  place 
of  voluntary  labor  colonies  in  the  treatment  of  vagrancy  and  mendi- 
cancy in  Germany.  No  better  authority  can  be  quoted  than  the 
president  of  the  union  of  German  voluntary  labor  colonies,  von 
Massow,  who  in  September  1908,  after  an  intimate  administrative 
experience  of  over  fifteen  years,  gave  a  careful  history  of  the  movement. 
I  quote  from  his  facts  and  statistics,  and  also  from  various  files  of  the 
"Wanderer,"  the  official  monthly  journal  of  the  above  mentioned 
Union. 

There  were  at  the  end  of  1910  thirty-six  labor  colonies,  with  a 
total  population  on  December  3 1st  of  4,707  persons.  The  following 
table  shows  important  admission  and  population  statistics. 

Admissions  in  all  colonies  since  opening  of  first  colony  in  1882 226,935 

Admissions  in  all  colonies  in  1910 I2»3O3 

1910  1909  1908  1907 

Admissions 12,303  12,878  12,587  9,856 

(Nov.)  (Nov.)  (Oct.)  (Nov.) 

Maximum  monthly  admissions 1,296  1,301  i>442  1,252 

(Dec.)  (Feb.)  (Apr.)  (Mar.) 

Minimum  monthly  admissions 889  807  894  648 

Average  monthly  admissions 1,025  I>°73  1,048  822 

Beds  in  colonies,  December  3  ist 4,888  4,919  4,687  4,703 

Lowest  population  in  year 3,35°  3»412  3,089  2,338 

The  labor  colonies  did  not  spring  up  over  night,  but  developed 
through  the  incentive  of  successful,  or  apparently  necessary,  insti- 
tutions already  established.  The  dates  of  the  founding  of  the  labor 
colonies  follow: 

1882 i  colony.  1894 i  colony. 

1883 6  colonies.  1897 i  colony. 

1884 4  colonies.  1898 i  colony. 

1885 2  colonies.  1899 2  colonies. 

1886 4  colonies.  1900 I  colony. 

1888 4  colonies.  1902 i  colony. 

1889 i  colony.  1905 2  colonies. 

1891 2  colonies.  1908 I  colony. 

1892 2  colonies. 

No  colony  has  been  discontinued  as  a  failure.  The  network  of 
colonies,  except  one  gap  between  Hamburg  and  Kolburg,  stretches 
over  the  entire  German  empire. 

The  fundamental  purpose  of  the  colonies  is,  of  course,  to  be  a 
haven  for  the  unfortunate  and  penniless  wanderer  without  employ- 


Paper  Bag  Shop,  Brauweilcr  Almshouse,  Germany 


Spinning  Shop.   Brauweilcr  Almshouse.  Germany 


WHAT  Is  ACCOM i>i  ISHFD?  135 

ment.  The  colony  differs  from  the  relief  station  or  the  friendly  inn 
in  that  the  latter  institutions  are  for  distinctly  temporary  assistance 
"along  the  road,"  so  to  speak,  while  the  colony  should  theoretically 
serve  as  a  place  not  only  of  recuperation  to  the  "  brother  of  the  high- 
way" but  also  of  industrial  rehabilitation,  should  the  brother  elect 
to  stay  long  enough. 

Speaking  as  of  the  last  day  of  December,  1910,  the  thirty-six 
colonies  embraced  a  total  of  6,804  hectares  (16,812  acres)  of  own 
property,  and  676  hectares  (1,670  acres)  of  rented  property.  On 
August  15,  1909,  the  colonies  possessed  a  total  of  754  buildings  and 
14,750  animals.  The  insurance  valuation  of  the  properties  was  four 
million  marks,  approximately  one  million  dollars. 
On  August  15,  1910,  there  were 

Officers 183 

Other  employees 88 

Women  employees 69 

Members  of  families  of  officers  and  employees 282 

Total 

Non-colonists 622 

Colonists 3,42 1 

Pensioners go 

Many  of  the  farms  can  be  regarded  as  models  for  the  vicinity. 
The  neighboring  peasants  are  often  astonished  at  the  products  and 
the  fertility  of  the  farms,  and  find  the  stock  also  excellent. 

Seeking  to  answer  at  once  the  general  question  "What  have  the 

colonies  accomplished?"     President  von  Massow  says.     "This,  that 

except  perhaps  in  the  months  of  December  and 

What  is  January,  or  in  other  words,  when  the  labor  market 

Accomplished?  is  not  wretched,  a  chance  to  work  can  be  found 
for  every  destitute  man  who  wishes  to  work,  so 
that  he  is  not  forced  to  beg  or  to  revert  to  prison.  The  proof  of  this 
lies  in  the  fact  of  the  greatly  differing  conditions  in  which  the  colonists 
of  twenty-five  years  ago  found  themselves,  in  comparison  with  their 
present  conditions.  At  that  time  the  great  bulk  of  colonists  came  to 
us  in  rags  and  with  vermin.  Nowadays  they  do  not  wait  to  get  into 
this  condition,  but  come  earlier.  The  chance  is  thus  provided  for 
them  to  return  to  a  regular  and  decent  life,  after  accustoming  them- 
selves in  the  colony  to  an  orderly  life  and  to  the  renunciation  of  liquor. 
After  having  remained  at  the  colony  for  some  time,  they  leave  dressed 
in  a  decent  suit  of  clothes  and  with  as  much  money  as  they  really 
need.  Not  only  the  'brothers  of  the  highway'  come  to  us,  but  also 
those  who  are  temporarily  without  means,  and  discharged  prisoners, 
and  also  the  half-invalids.  For  these  latter  classes  our  colonies  are 
of  the  greatest  value." 

Turning  again  now  to  statistics  for  1910  and  previous  years,  we 
find  that  less  than  fifty  per  cent  of  the  colonists  were  there  for  the 
first  time,  the  percentage  of  new  comers  in  1910  being  38.6  per  cent. 


136 


THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


Per 

cent 

ADMITTED 

1910 

% 

IQOQ 

% 

1908 

% 

1907 

% 

for 

four 

years 

ist  time  

4,74-2 

38.6 

^03 

4.2    4. 

'j.67';; 

4.<J.2 

3.067 

4.O    3 

41    8 

2d  time  

2,548 

20-7 

2,515 

19.6 

2,447 

19.4 

i,775 

17.9 

19.5 

3<i  time  

1.  4.4.? 

117 

I.4.O3 

IO   O 

1.34.6 

IO   7 

I.IC2 

ii  6 

112 

4th  time  

02  < 

7    5 

028 

7    2 

8?c 

6  7 

706 

8  o 

7   3 

5th  time  

C47 

4..  3 

S87 

A     6 

588 

4.   7 

<J32 

<C   4. 

4  g 

6th  time  

461 

3-8 

454 

3-5 

407 

3-i 

374 

3-7 

3-4 

7th  time  

2Q3 

2   4. 

202 

2   4. 

288 

2    3 

7Q7 

3  i 

2    C 

Over  7  times..  . 

1,342 

I  .O 

I,2OO 

9-3 

1,001 

7-9 

953 

IO.O 

9-5 

Total  

IZ.SOS 

100% 

12,878 

100% 

12,587 

100% 

9,856 

100% 

100% 

Facts  as  to  "first  time  in  colony,"  and  subsequent  times,  must 
necessarily  be  gathered  from  the  colonists'  own  assertions,  fortified 
or  disproved  by  such  facts  as  the  individual  colony  may  command. 
Probabilities  are  that  the  number  of  "more  times  than  one"  is  much 
larger  than  appears  from  the  tables. 

The  colonies  receive  every  one  not  absolutely  incapacitated  that 
presents  himself,  with  no  questions  asked  as  to  past  life.  He  may  go 
to  work  at  once,  and  may  leave  when  he  wants  to,  unless  he  has  (as 
in  most  cases)  signed  a  contract  to  remain  for  a  definite  time.  At 
Wilhelmsdorf  the  minimum  contract  is  for  two  months.  The  colonies 
being  founded  for  the  permanent  moral  improvement  of  the  men, 
have  naturally  a  Christian  basis,  and  they  pay  special  attention  to 
the  confessional  needs  of  their  inmates.  Yet  the  record  of  length 
of  time  spent  by  the  men  at  the  colony  is  often  a  discouraging  one. 
As  seemingly  everywhere  else  in  the  world,  a  great  part  of  the  wander- 
ing class  will  recover  physically  to  some  extent  without  a  correspond- 
ing moral  recovery.  As  a  result  we  find  the  statistics -of  the  labor 
colonies  regarding  length  of  stay  as  follows: 


PRESENT  IN 

COLONIES 

1910 

% 

1909 

% 

1908 

% 

1907 

% 

DEC.  31 

Under  2  months.. 

1,978 

42- 

1,870 

38.6 

1,926 

39-3 

2,087 

51-3 

2—4  months  

1,107 

23  .  <C 

1,252 

25.8 

1.4.^2 

2Q.6 

QII 

22  .4 

4—6  months  . 

574. 

12    2 

698 

14.   3 

628 

12    8 

4.26 

IO.4. 

6-12  months  .... 

586 

12-5 

606 

12.5 

553 

"•3 

387 

9-5 

Over  i  year  

462 

9-8 

423 

8.8 

344 

7.0 

259 

6-4 

Total  .  . 

4..707 

100% 

4..  84.0 

100% 

4..0O3 

100% 

4..O7O 

100% 

WHAT   Is  ACCOMPLISHED  ? 


•37 


Evidently,  from  the  above  figures,  less  than  one  man  in  ten  stays 
in  a  colony  during  even  one  year.  From  three  to  five  out  of  every 
ten  colonists  have  been  at  any  one  time  of  count  less  than  two  months 
at  the  colony.  Yet,  if  vagrancy  or  mendicancy  is  to  be  cured,  a 
detention  period  of  considerable  length  is  necessary,  if  cure  can  be 
effected  at  all.  The  deduction  is  obvious.  T he  colonies  neither  cure 
the  individual  vagrant  or  beggar  in  general,  nor  do  they  withdraw  for 
any  extended  period  the  wanderers  from  off  the  highway. 

On  the  other  hand,  they  serve  as  great  "catch-alls,"  temporary 
havens  of  shelter  for  the  friendless  and  homeless,  and  their  inmates 
are  not  of  a  vicious  class.  Men  must  come  sober  to  the  colonies  or 
at  least  stay  sober  after  arrival.  No  alcohol  is  allowed  within  the 
colonies,  and  any  cases  of  insubordination  are  dealt  with  by  dis- 
charge at  short  notice.  In  the  twenty-five  years  there  has  been  no 
case  of  serious  insurrection  in  a  labor  colony. 

The  ages  of  the  colonists  show  a  maturity  that  probably  exceeds 
by  considerable  that  of  the  American  "brother  of  the  highway." 
Incidentally  we  should  note  that  the  American  highway  is  generally 
the  railway,  and  that  the  agility  of  youth  is  required  to  jump  success- 
fully the  freights.  Bearing  in  mind  that  the  American  peregrinating 
tramp  is  generally  supposed  to  be  less  than  thirty  years  of  age,  we 
compare  the  ages  of  the  German  colonists. 


AGES  OF  COLONISTS 

1910 

1909 

1908 

1907 

Per 

cent 
for 
four 
years 

Under  15  

1 

i 

2 

15  or  16  

18 

20 

27 

23 

.2 

17  to  20  

C27 

645 

578 

cic 

4.1 

21  to  30  

2,166 

2.3^6 

2.36o 

I.7I2 

18. 

31  to  «O.  .  . 

6.38o 

6,6« 

6,6l7 

{.141 

$2.1 

51  to  60  

2,4.$8 

2,480 

2,370 

1,026 

1O.4 

61  to  70  

68? 

633 

<73 

4QA 

c.o 

Over  70  

66 

7O 

4>J 

.c 

Only  twenty-two  per  cent  of  the  colonists  are  under  thirty  years  of 
age,  while  one  in  every  two  is  between  thirty  and  fiftv  years  old. 
The  colonies  obviously  do  not  take  any  large  number  of  tne  extremely 
old.  The  general  categories  of  colonists  are,  according  to  von  Massow: 

1.  Seasonal  laborers  (mainly  of  the  building  trades). 

2.  Persons  often  punished  for  mendicancy  and  vagrancy.    They  come  to 
the  colonies  mainly  to  get  their  certificate  of  "work  done,"  thereby  avoiding 
arrest  when  they  wander  further. 

3.  Discharged  prisoners.     Out  of  8,679  colonists  entering  between  October, 
1906,  and  September  30,  1907,  443,  or  5  per  cent,  were  from  prison. 


138  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

4.  The  principal  category  is  those  who  are  limited  in  physical  ability,  that 
is,  more  or  less  handicapped.  They  furnish  the  backbone  of  the  colony 
workers. 

And  now  comes  the  especially  important  point.  Von  Massow 
says:  "The  great  mass  of  the  population  of  the  highways  will  have 
nothing  to  do  with  the  colonies,  because  at  the  colonies  they  must 
work,  and  there  is  no  alcohol  there!" 

Of  those  who  do  come,  the  laborers  predominate,  about  four  in 
ten  giving  that  as  occupation.  The  great  bulk  of  the  colonists  claim 
to  be  single,  the  proportion  of  married  men  to  single  in  the  colonies 
in  1910  being  one  in  eighteen.  About  one  in  ten  claims  to  be  either 
separated  or  widower. 

In  1910,  out  of  16,201  applicants  for  admission  to  the  colonies, 
3,898  were  refused  admission.  This  is  practically  one  in  every  five 
applications,  showing  that  considerable  discretion  is  used.  The 
causes  for  refusal  were  the  following: 

Refused  admission  — 

Because  of  overcrowded  condition i>244 

Applicants  not  belonging  to  district 634 

Too  young '. 46 

Too  old 82 

111 172 

Incapable  of  working 75 

Drink 47 

On  the  black  list 179 

Other  reasons *A19 

The  black  list  is  a  list  of  colonists  who  have  left  the  colonies  under 
disgrace,  or  before  the  expiration  of  their  promise  in  contract  form, 
or  who  have  run  away  with  colony  property,  or  have  otherwise 
incurred  the  censure  of  the  administration.  The  colonies  are  banded 
together  in  a  central  body  or  conference  that  meets  once  a  year,  each 
year  at  a  different  colony.  This  union  maintains  a  small  secretarial 
staff  through  the  year,  and  each  month  there  is  returned  to  the  central 
office  of  the  union  a  black  list  from  each  colony  for  the  preceding 
month.  The  complete  black  list  is  forwarded  to  each  colony  as  soon 
as  possible,  and  the  rule  is  that  no  colony  shall  receive  a  colonist 
from  any  other  colony  who  is  on  the  black  list,  save  that  the  colony 
so  listing  him  may  take  him  back  at  its  discretion. 

Some  of  the  causes  of  leaving  in  1910,  not  all  of  course  meriting 
the  black  list,  were  the  following: 

Died 37 

Illness 502 

Incapable  of  working 51 

Requisitioned  by  government 74 

Time  expired 542 

At  own  request 6,324 


Bowling  Alley.   Voluntary  Labor  Colony.  Bielefeld.  Germany 


Sunday   Afternoon   at    Bielefeld   Voluntary    Labor   Colony.   Germany. 

August  2,  1911 


NOT  A  SOLUTION.  139 

Work  found  by  colony gn 

Work  found  by  own  efforts i»295 

Went  back  to  family 436 

Refused  to  work  or  broke  contract 1.254 

Unwilling  to  work 196 

Drunkenness 222 

Immoral  conduct io 

Otherwise  improper  conduct 225 

Ran  away 366 

Total  number  leaving 12,445 

In  short,  of  the  total  discharges,  eighteen  per  cent  were  for  bad 
conduct,  ten  per  cent  were  at  the  request  of  the  men  themselves  to 
go  to  work  which  they  had  found  by  their  own  efforts,  fifty  per  cent 
were  discharged  because  they  wished  to  go  away,  and  only  a  little 
over  four  per  cent  were  discharged  because  they  had  stayed  their 
alloted  time,  while  only  seven  per  cent  went  to  work  which  had  been 
found  for  them  by  the  colonies. 

What  would  be  plainer  than  that  the  above  figures  show  the  essen- 
tially temporary  curative  nature  of  the  colonies  ?     I  emphasize  this 
fact,  not  because  of  any  lack  of  appreciation  of 
Not  a  the  colonies,  but  because  we  ought  not  to  acquire 

Solution.  an  admiration  for  the  German  voluntary  labor 
colonies  for  things  that  they  do  not  do.  Let  us 
not,  as  Americans,  vaguely  claim  before  bodies  of  people  who  are 
naturally  unaware  of  the  facts  that  the  German  labor  colonies  offer 
a  striking  solution  of  the  vagrancy  problem.  They  do  not,  and 
apparently  never  will.  On  the  other  hand,  they  are  the  shelter  and 
asylum  of  thousands  of  poor  fellows  who  otherwise  would  be  the 
miserable  spectacles  on  the  highways  and  in  the  cities  that  their 
predecessors  were  thirty  years  ago  throughout  the  empire. 

Let  us  turn  again  to  von  Massow.  "The  means  of  removing  the 
vagrants  and  mendicants  from  the  highways  has  not  yet  been  dis- 
covered. Labor  colonies  of  the  voluntary  order,  way-stations  for 
wanderers,  and  registry  bureaus  serve  in  general  only  the  better 
elements  of  the  population  of  our  roads,  but  not  the  real  professionals. 
Originally  we  started  the  scheme  of  the  daily  walk  from  station  to 
station  for  the  vagrants  and  the  homeless  unemployed,  with  the 
exception  of  Sunday,  when  no  work  was  required.  As  this  system  was 
enforced  throughout  large  portions  of  Germany,  the  results  were 
strikingly  successful.  The  highway  population  decreased  remark- 
ably, and  the  houses  of  correction  became  empty.  But  let  no  one 
think  that  vagrancy  ceased;  no,  it  transferred  itself  into  territory 
where  there  were  no  such  stations,  and  overflowed  in  great  masses 
the  border  countries  of  Germany,  particularly  the  Netherlands, 
Austria  and  France  and  even  reached  down  into  Italy. 

"In  my  opinion,"  continues  von  Massow,  "it  will  be  very  difficult 
to  rid  the  highways  of  the  wandering  population.  At  the  most,  the 


140  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

laws  against  vagrancy  could  be  strengthened  and  the  offender  could 
be  required  to  become  an  inmate  of  a  house  of  correction  for  a  con- 
siderable period. 

"The  per  cent  of  those  who  have  been  successfully  restored  by  a 
life  in  our  colonies  is  uncommonly  small,  even  though  they  work 
industriously  in  the  colonies.  Particularly  have  they  fallen  victims 
to  drink.  Yet  I  would  answer  the  question  as  to  what  avail,  after 
all,  our  colonies  are,  as  follows: 

"First:  There  are  a  certain  number  of  persons,  who,  through 
our  colonies,  are  restored  to  self-support  and  self-respect. 

"Second:     The    average    beggar   in    Germany 

A  makes  about  two  marks  ($.48)  a  day.     The  num- 

Justification.       ber  of  days  of  maintenance  in  our  colonies  totalled 

in  1905  about  900,000.     We  can  reckon  that  our 

people  'on  the  outside'  on  these  days  begged  about  1,800,000  marks 

($428,000),  while  the  total  subsidies  for  all  the  colonies  in  1905  were 

517,800  marks   ($123,236),   a   difference  of  about   1,280,000  marks 

($304,640).    Moreover,  the  colonists  were  making  out  of  sand  dunes 

and  heath  and  moorland  fruitful  land  and  meadows,  and  increasing 

the  value  of  same  thereby. 

"Third  and  principally:  For  the  half-able  and  the  handicapped, 
the  colonies  furnish  the  only  self-respecting  kind  of  existence  in  which 
they  can  live  day  by  day  without  fearing  to  be  thrust  again  into 
despair  and  pauperism." 


Chapter   t*ixtrrn 


WITZWIL,   A  SUCCESSFUL  PENAL   FARM' 

IN  this  day,  when  imposing  prison  architecture  has  lost  its  novelty  to 
the  student  of  penology,  a  simple  farm  used  as  a  penal  labor  colony 
in  the  Canton  Berne,  Switzerland,  has  visitors  from  all  parts  of  the 
world.  Edmond  Kelly  of  New  York,  author  of  "The  Elimination  of 
the  Tramp,"  visited  Witzwil  in  1906  and  wrote  in  the  visitor's  book: 
"The  best  of  the  labor  colonies  I  have  seen;  far  ahead  of  those  in 
Belgium  and  Holland."  Edith  Sellers,  an  English  authority  on 
European  social  work,  wrote  in  1908:  "The  best  of  its  kind  tnat  I 
have  visited."  Because  of  the  present  active  discussion  of  the  plan 
of  farm  colonies  in  America,  and  especially  in  New  York  state,  it 
is  perhaps  worth  while  to  report  the  impressions  gained  last  summer 
at  Witzwil  in  repeated  visits  made  to  discover  the  secret  of  the  unique 
success  this  institution  has  attained. 

The  Witzwil  farm  conists  of  2,000  acres  of  level  moorland,  a  part 
of  a  tract  redeemed  from  the  waters  of  Lake  Neuchatel  a  generation 
ago  by  an  intercantonal  drainage  enterprise.  It  is  still  flooded  at 
times  of  very  high  waters.  Good  gravel  roads  traverse  the  fields. 
No  fences,  walls,  or  signs  tell  the  visitor  when  he  has  entered  the  prison 
grounds.  Here  and  there  may  be  seen  substantial  farm  houses,  each 
with  a  large,  plain,  practical  barn.  A  paid  farmer  lives  with  his 
family  and  four  working  prisoners  at  each  of  these  outposts  ("courts") 
where  about  thirty  cows  are  kept.  In  the  center  of  the  farm  is  a 
group  of  buildings  including  the  director's  (warden's  or  superin- 
tendent's) house,  a  cellhouse,  and  large  barns  and  workshops. 

After  this  land  has  been  drained  it  was  owned  and  cultivated  by 
a  large  private  agricultural  corporation.  The  company  did  not 
prosper;  its  property  came  into  the  hands  of  creditors,  and  drainage 
assessments  due  to  the  Canton  Berne  were  in  arrears.  To  collect 
a  bad  debt  the  canton  took  the  land.  For  the  first  few  years  the  can- 
tonal workhouse  nearby  supplied  the  labor  needed,  while  old  build- 
ings were  being  repaired  and  new  ones  erected.  In  1895,  however, 
Witzwil  was  made  a  penitentiary  farm  under  separate  management. 
Since  then  other  buildings  and  new  roads  have  been  made,  and  a 
large  area  of  pasture  lands  in  the  Simmental  Alps  has  been  acquired 
for  summering  the  young  cattle. 

This  farming  enterprise  in  which  most  of  the  work  is  done  by  pris- 
oners has  proved  to  be  a  good  business  investment  for  the  canton. 
There  has  been  expended  by  the  canton,  all  told,  for  land  $200,000, 
for  building  material  $100,000,  and  other  cash  advances  (net,  after 
deducting  the  so-called  rents  paid  to  the  canton),  $50,000,  a  total 

lBy  Prof.  F.  A.  Fetter,  Princeton  Uniwiity.     From  the  Surrey,  February  4,  1911. 


142  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

of  $350,000.  The  present  worth  of  the  whole  plant  (land,  buildings, 
stock,  cash  fund)  is  at  a  low  estimate  $550,000,  an  average  gain  for 
the  time  the  institution  has  been  in  full  operation  of  over  $13,000  a 
year. 

An  inventory  valuation  is  somewhat  a  matter  of  opinion  and  the 
rise  in  the  price  of  lands  accounts  for  part  of  this  increase.  But 
let  us  look  at  the  account  for  1909,  which  is  fairly  typical.  In  any 
comparison  we  must  take  account  of  the  peculiar  practice  of  the  canton 
in  giving  a  nominal,  or  apparent,  cash  appropriation  to  be  used  for 
new  construction,  but  charging  rent  for  land  and  buildings  on  the 
basis  of  four  per  cent  rental,  sometimes  to  an  amount  exceeding  the 
appropriation.  What  would  American  institutional  managers  think 
of  that  ?  Last  year  Witzwil  paid  to  the  canton  a  net  cash  sum  of 
$1,000  (excess  of  the  rental  above  its  appropriation)  and  expended  a 
net  sum  of  $7,000  for  materials  in  new  construction,  paid  all  expense 
of  the  institution,  including  salaries  and  insurance,  and  laid  away 
a  reserve  of  $9,000  for  building  a  railroad  on  the  grounds.  In  1908 
it  paid  the  canton  $1,000  and  expended  $10,000  for  new  materials. 
In  1907  it  got  from  the  canton  about  $1,000  net  but  expended  $24,000 
for  new  materials.  While  the  care  of  the  200  (sometimes  over  250) 
prisoners  is  without  cost  to  the  public,  the  actual  outlay  on  new  build- 
ings and  equipment  has  amounted  to  a  good  return  on  the  investment 
in  grounds  and  buildings.  Yet  this  has  been  done  without  the  lease 
or  the  contract  systems  of  labor,  and  with  no  injurious  competition 
with,  or  protests  from,  free  labor.  Within  the  last  year  the  land  has 
at  length  been  brought  fairly  under  cultivation,  so  that  it  would  seem 
that  the  results  in  the  future  would  be  still  more  favorable. 

In  view  of  such  facts  and  figures,  the  interesting  question  is,  how 
was  it  done  ?  The  most  obvious  answer  is,  by  good  management. 
Otto  Kellerhals  was  but  twenty-four  years  of  age  when  he  entered 
upon  this  work  in  1891,  becoming  director,  in  full  charge,  in  1895. 
He  was  a  practical  Bernese  farmer  boy  with  an  education.  Graduated 
at  the  cantonal  agricultural  college  at  Berne,  he  attended  the  famous 
institute  in  connection  with  the  University  of  Halle,  Germany.  He 
was  versed  in  the  new  agricultural  science  and  he  knew  how  to  put 
good  theory  into  practice.  He  is  a  quiet,  plain  man  who  reads 
widely  and  works  with  his  hands.  He  thinks,  schemes,  dreams  of 
Witzwil,  but  he  finds  time  to  go  out  wheeling  with  his  four  boys. 
His  wife  takes  charge  of  the  institution  in  his  absence  and  is  at  all 
times  a  helpful  co-worker  in  the  administration. 

The  answer  to  our  question,  however,  must  be  found  not  alone  in 
the  director's  ability,  but  in  his  use  of  it,  in  his  spirit  and  in  his  plans. 
Light  was  thrown  on  these  by  a  remark  of  Mr.  Kellerhals :  "A  super- 
intendent should  manage  his  institution  as  if  it  were  his  own  farm. 
The  buildings  are  for  use,  not  for  show.  They  should  be  just  what 
a  good  farmer  would  put  up;  the  workshops  and  machinery  should 
be  just  what  a  manufacturer  would  choose  for  the  same  purpose." 
This  proposition  may  sound  like  a  truism;  but  would  not  its  appli- 
cation work  a  revolution  in  many  an  institution  ?  It  is  not  only 


Cabinet    Shop,    Brauweiler   Workhouse.   Germany 


Envelope  Shop.  Brauweiler  Workhouse.  Germany 


WITZWIL,  A  SUCCESSFUL  PENAL  FARM.  143 

that  buildings  and  equipment  have  been  in  practice  too  expensive 
and  elaborate,  but  also  that  many  officials  and  citizens  hold  tne  very 
different  theory  that  a  penal  institution  is  a  place  where  labor  ought 
to  be  wasted. 

Consider,  for  example,  Director  Kellerhals's  policy  as  to  the  use 
of  machinery.  Here  we  saw  a  row  of  American  mowing  machines, 
there  an  automatic  potato  digger  built  on  the  farm;  here  electric 
motors  in  the  machine  shops,  there  an  automatic  bread  mixer  enabling 
one  prisoner  to  do  all  of  the  baking  for  the  institution;  here  the  best 
laundry  machinery,  there  a  model  creamery  through  which  passes 
the  enormous  product  of  the  farm.  These  things  were  far  more 
remarkable  because  of  the  exceedingly  slight  use  made  of  labor- 
saving  machinery  on  private  farms  in  Switzerland.  It  was  a  sight 
to  delight  an  American,  but  not  so  the  Russian  prison  official  who  was 
that  day  making  a  study  of  Witzwil.  In  the  Russian  prisons,  as  he 
said,  everything  is  done  by  hand.  The  hand-work  policy  is  followed 
on  principle  in  the  otherwise  excellently  managed  prison  system  of 
Prussia.  In  visiting  other  Swiss  institutions  I  had  just  been  hearing 
various  arguments  (not  needing  to  be  repeated  here,  as  they  are  not 
unknown  in  America)  in  favor  of  excluding  machinery  from  institu- 
tions. It  is  evident  that  Director  Kellerhals  is  not  uttering  a  truism 
or  practicing  a  commonplace  in  Europe.  He  does  not  cherish  the 
official  fear  that  the  prisoners  will  be  without  occupation.  "There 
is  always  work  here,"  he  said,  "there  is  never  any  labor  to  waste;" 
and  he  ran  over  a  list  of  plans  he  has  in  mind  for  the  improvement 
of  the  great  estate  in  the  next  few  years.  This  does  not  mean,  as  I 
understand  him,  that  all  these  things  could  be  done  profitably  with 
free  labor;  it  means  that  he  believes  in  using  in  the  most  productive 
way  open  to  him  the  labor  force  put  into  his  charge  by  the  state. 

In  its  variety  of  occupations  and  products  Witzwil  is  a  challenge 
to  any  other  institution  of  its  size  anywhere.  Convicts  have  helped 
draw  the  plans  of  the  buildings,  and  have  built  them  all  with  a  mini- 
mum of  supervision,  and  out  of  the  raw  materials.  Structural  steel, 
iron  plates,  and  steel  rods  are  bought  in  straight,  plain  pieces  to  be 
cut  and  shaped  in  the  Witzwil  shops  to  many  uses.  The  cellhouses 
are  of  cemented  stone,  without  steel  in  the  walls,  yet  only  one  man  has 
ever  dug  his  way  out.  The  doors  are  of  heavy  wood,  and  all  hinges, 
locks  and  grates  were  forged  by  prisoners.  All  plumbing,  wiring, 
tinning,  roofing  were  done  by  convicts,  even  the  making  of  the  light- 
ning rods.  The  convicts  made  all  of  the  furniture  that  is  in  the 
cells  and  in  the  offices.  They  made  all  the  stoves  out  of  flat  iron 
plates.  They  make  all  the  held  tools,  rakes,  hoos,  shovels,  picks, 
baskets,  brooms,  brushes,  boxes,  barrels,  besides  a  number  of  com- 
plex farm  machines.  Most  remarkable  of  all,  they  make  excellent 
wagons  and  carriages  in  various  patterns,  not  merely  assembling  the 
parts,  but  with  the  exception  of  the  springs  forging  all  of  the  metal 
parts:  tires,  rims,  steps,  in  the  blacksmith  shop  from  plain  rods,  and 
shaping  the  woodwork  in  some  cases  from  logs  cut  in  the  forest. 
These  things  are  not  made  to  show  what  can  be  done  regardless  of 


144  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

expense;  a  careful  cost  account  is  kept  of  every  article  to  determine 
what  it  pays  best  to  do. 

All  these  and  the  other  industries  are,  after  all,  but  auxiliary  to 
the  main  industry  of  farming.  Five-sixths  both  of  the  gross  and  of 
the  net  industrial  receipts  are  from  agriculture.  Yearly  there  are 
sold  $20,000  worth  of  cattle  and  hogs,  $12,000  worth  of  milk,  and 
$40,000  worth  of  other  agricultural  products,  and  through  the  winter 
400  hogs  and  800  neat  cattle  are  kept.  Agriculture  is  the  paramount 
interest  and  —  here  is  another  feature  of  the  Witzwil  system  —  every- 
one is  helping  to  farm.  When  the  weather  is  fine  the  shops  are  all 
but  deserted,  and  so  far  as  possible,  every  one,  free  or  convict,  from 
the  director  to  the  last  prisoner,  is  out  in  the  fields.  It  is  the  Witzwil 
policy  to  have  the  tailors  and  the  shoe  makers  make  hay  when  the 
sun  shines,  for  so  they  are  worth  more  to  the  institution  than  making 
clothes  and  shoes.  "Besides,"  said  the  director  with  a  smile,  "the 
days  they  pitch  hay  they  need  no  other  exercise."  On  the  other 
hand,  almost  any  work  pays  on  bad  days  rather  than  to  have  prisoners 
idle  in  their  cells.  At  such  times  the  shops  are  the  busy  places.  In 
the  trades  of  basketry,  hat-weaving,  saddlery,  woodworking,  iron- 
working,  tailoring,  shoemaking,  bookbinding,  etc.,  the  number  of 
working  days  per  month,  as  shown  by  the  official  figures,  is  twofold 
to  manifold  as  great  in  the  winter  as  in  the  summer.  Other  large 
labors  are  so  far  as  possible  crowded  into  the  winter  and  early  spring 
months,  an  adjustment  favored  by  the  mild  winter  climate.  Such 
labors  are  house  and  road  building,  drainage,  peat-cutting,  forestry, 
and  melioration  of  the  soil. 

Is  the  unusual  variety  of  industries  at  Witzwil  due  to  a  superior 
quality  of  the  inmates  compared  with  those  of  other  institutions  ? 
No  evidence  of  such  a  fact  appeared.  To  Witzwil  are  sent  men 
sentenced  for  the  first  time  for  felony  (the  English  word  most  nearly 
corresponding)  for  less  than  three  years,  whether  they  are  young  men  or 
old.  Many  have  served  time  in  minor  institutions  or  have  been  con- 
victs in  othe.r  countries.  A  large  proportion  have  been  chronic 
drinkers.  Only  ten  per  cent  have  had  more  than  primary  school 
training.  When  a  skilled  man  comes,  his  skill  is  used,  not  wasted. 
The  surveying  for  the  new  buildings,  roads,  and  new  railway  is 
being  done  by  a  convicted  engineer,  and  the  complicated  calculations 
of  materials  and  costs  are  being  made  by  a  convicted  banker,  a  victim 
of  the  American  panic  of  1907  —  at  least  that  revealed  his  peculations. 
Switzerland  has  not  as  yet  put  the  indeterminate  sentence  into  practice, 
and  the  average  term  of  the  Witzwil  inmates  is  short.  One-half  of 
them  serve  less  than  six  months,  four-fifths  less  than  a  year,  and  only 
one  in  twenty  serves  over  two  years.  A  more  shifting  and  unpromis- 
ing labor  supply  would  hardly  be  found  in  any  American  prison  or 
penitentiary. 

On  its  material  and  financial  sides  Witzwil  is  in  many  respects  a 
model.  What  as  to  its  equipment  and  agencies  for  reforming  the 
prisoners  ?  Here,  it  must  be  confessed,  something  is  lacking.  Not 
only  is  there  no  school  for  the  almost,  or  quite,  illiterate  prisoners 


WITZWIL,  A  SUCCESSFUL  PENAL  FARM.  145 

(many  of  whom  are  young),  but  the  intellectual  stimulus  in  other  ways 
falls  short  of  good  modern  reformatory  standards.  But  this  said, 
the  criticism  is  about  spent.  The  conditions  of  physical  health  are 
so  excellent  as  to  make  a  citizen  of  the  state  of  Sing  Sing  feel  very 
humble.  The  simple,  dry,  light  cells,  built  in  one  story  along  a 
central  hall,  and  with  outer  windows  opening  directly  to  sun  and  air, 
are  architecturally  and  hygienically  much  superior  to  those  at  Elmira. 
The  food  is  bountiful  and  varied,  and  the  clothing,  both  in  winter  and 
in  summer,  excellent  for  its  purpose.  There  is  no  prison  pallor  on 
any  face  in  Witzwil.  Some  motive  to  ambition  is  given  by  grouping 
the  prisoners  in  three  classes  with  three  grades  of  wages,  small  sums 
each  month  which  are  sent  to  the  prisoners'  families  or  kept  until  the 
sentences  expire.  The  different  classes  have  also  differing  privileges, 
including  for  the  more  trustworthy  that  of  living  at  the  farm  houses 
in  semi-liberty.  Punishment  plays  a  small  part;  tempers  keep  sweet 
better  out-of-doors.  There  are  ten  solitary  cells  which  I  inspected, 
but  none  of  them  had  been  occupied  since  weeks  before  the  time  of 
my  visit. 

Whatever  merit  of  a  reformatory  nature  Witzwil  has  consists  in  its 
teaching  of  the  hard  lesson  of  regular  toil  under  healthy  physical 
conditions.  The  spirit  of  work,  so  far  as  I  saw  it,  is  remarkable. 
This  is  fostered  partly  by  the  policy  of  giving  responsible  tasks  to 
prisoners  without  oversight,  and  partly  by  another  noteworthy  policy, 
that  of  keeping  no  idle  guards  at  Witzwil.  The  paid  employees  all 
work  with  the  prisoners,  setting  an  example  of  industry.  The  com- 
bined moral  and  financial  advantages  ot  this  plan  are  self-evident; 
every  guard  earns  his  salary  in  the  increased  product,  and  as  the  con- 
victs come  they  are  put  to  work  under  good  paid  workers  from  whom 
they  learn.  It  may  well  be  that  Witzwil  is  a  better  practical  school 
of  agriculture  and  the  trades  than  some  reformatories  with  a  showy 
educational  equipment. 

An  essential  part  of  the  Witzwil  system  are  the  homes,  in  the 
neighborhood,  for  unemployed  men.  The  little  colony  of  Nusshof, 
belonging  to  the  institution,  can  give  employment  to  ten  liberated 
convicts  at  a  time,  until  they  can  again  get  a  foothold  in  the  world. 
Tannenhof,  conducted  by  a  private  society,  at  the  border  of  the  Witz- 
wil farm,  can  house  and  give  work  to  forty  men  at  a  time.  It  shelters 
many  former  inmates  of  Witzwil,  and  is  a  haven  to  which  they  later 
return  when  hard  pressed  by  temptation  and  by  unemployment. 

With  the  large  liberty  enjoyed  by  many  of  the  prisoners,  and  with 
the  nearness  of  the  French  border,  ever  in  sight,  there  are  on  the 
average  each  year  about  seven  escapes,  and  of  these  two  are  not 
recaptured.  Most  of  the  attempts  are  made  by  foreigners. 

Many  of  the  men  in  Witzwil  are  such  as  in  America  largely  recruit 
the  army  of  tramps.  Most  competent  officials  whom  f  consulted 
in  Berne  agreed  that  in  the  canton  the  tramp  problem,  as  we  know 
it  in  America,  no  longer  exists!  Other  influences  (especially  the  way- 
farers' lodges)  have  helped  to  produce  this  desirable  result;  but 


146  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

Witzwil  doubtless  has  done  its  share,  along  with  smaller  and  less 
distinctive  institutions  shaped  somewhat  on  the  same  lines.  Witzwil 
teaches  an  impressive  lesson  in  its  proof  that  dissolute  and  untrained 
prisoners  may  be  made  industrious  and  self-supporting  in  an  open-air 
prison  colony,  and  it  challenges  America  to  a  trial  of  the  same  plan. 
Witzwil  has  its  lesson  further  for  all  American  public  institutional 
management,  whether  correctional  or  charitable,  in  its  economic  use 
of  labor,  in  its  union  of  agricultural  and  manufacturing  industry,  and 
in  its  outdoor  work  for  adult  men  in  an  unwalled  institution. 

Could  the  plan  of  a  farm  labor  colony  succeed  in  New  York  as  well 
as  in  Switzerland  ?  When  this  question  was  put  to  Mr.  Kellerhals 
he  at  once  replied:  "It  should  succeed  better.  In  Europe  land  is 
dear  and  labor  is  cheap;  in  America  land  is  cheap  and  labor  is  dear; 
and  labor  is  the  factor  of  production  which  the  prison  has  in  abund- 
ance." 

A  large  state  such  as  New  York,  with  fifteen  times  the  population 
of  the  Canton  Berne  and  twice  that  of  all  Switzerland,  would  have 
the  economy  resulting  from  size  in  an  institution.  In  a  thoughtful 
paper  (not  yet  published),  to  be  presented  to  the  Swiss  prison  society, 
Mr.  Kellerhals  has  shown  that  a  larger  institution  could  be  more 
economically  managed. 

A  further  advantage  over  the  Swiss  institution  could  easily  be  had 
in  New  York  York  with  its  precedents  and  present  public  opinion, 
by  the  application  of  the  indeterminate  sentence  to  habitual  drunk- 
enness and  vagrancy.  Such  a  change,  favorable  to  the  welfare  both 
of  the  public  and  of  the  pitiable  victims  of  vicious  habits,  would,  by 
giving  to  the  institution  a  more  stable  working  force  and  a  longer 
period  for  training,  promote  greatly  its  financial  as  well  as  its  reform- 
atory success. 

Finally,  Witzwil,  remarkable  as  it  is,  can  be  surpassed  in  America, 
if  to  its  economic  merits  can  be  added  the  best  modern  reformatory 
discipline.  The  opportunity  awaits  the  progressive  state  that  will 
found  such  an  institution,  and  the  able  management  that  will  guide 
it  to  success. 


VAGRANCY  IN    ENGLAND 

VAGRANCY  has  long  been  one  of  the  social  plagues  of  England. 
Severe    repressive  laws    have   alternated  with  more  humane 
treatment.     At  present,  with  grave  annual  problems  of  unem- 
ployment, the  "sturdy  beggar"  and  the  "sleeper  out"  add  by  their 
thousands  to  the  gravity  of  the  problem. 

England  has  no  compulsory  labor  colonies,  the  local  prison  being 
the  place  of  imprisonment  of  the  vagfant.  Casual  wards  (temporary 
lodgings  of  a  punitive  but  not  penal  character)  correspond  partially 
in  motive  with  our  municipal  lodging  houses.  The  workhouses,  cor- 
responding to  our  American  almshouses,  shelter  the  non-ablebodied 
pauper  homeless. 

Tramping  in  the  British  Isles  is  not  on  railroads.  Hence  the 
migratory  habit  is  less  developed.  In  addition,  chances  of  casual 
employment  are  far  less  than  in  our  country.  There  seem  to  be 
larger  local  armies  of  the  unemployed  than  with  us. 

In  1904  the  president  of  the  local  government  board  of  London  ap- 
pointed a  departmental  committee  on  vagrancy,  "to  inouire  and  re- 
port with   respect  to  England   and   Wales  as  to 
The  Depart-       (i)  the  law  applicable  to  persons  of  the  vagrant 
mental  class;  (2)  the  administration  of  the  law  applicable 

Committee        to  these  persons;  and  (3)  any  amendments  which 
on  Vagrancy,      should  be  made  in  it  or  in  its  administration." 
This  committee  sat  for  about  two  years  and  pub- 
lished a  most  exhaustive  and  painstaking  report  on  vagrancy  con- 
ditions in  Great  Britain  and  on  the  continent. 
Briefly,  the  committee  found  that 

The  present  English  system  neither  deters  the  vagrant,  nor  affords  any  means 

of  reclaiming  him,  and  the  Committee  is  unanimously  of  the  opinion  that  a 

thorough  reformation  is  necessary.     The  army  of  vaj»- 

Summary.          rants  is  increasing  of  late  years,  and  there  is  reason  to 

fear  that  it  will  continue  to  increase  if  things  are  left  as 

they  are.  The  object  of  the  scheme  which  the  Committee  proposes  is  to  place 
vagrants  more  under  the  control  of  the  police,  help  the  bnna  fide  wayfarer,  and 
to  provide  means  of  detaining  the  habitual  vagrant  under  reformatory  influences. 
Estimates  of  the  number  of  vagrants  in  England  and  Wales  vary  from  20,000 
to  150,000.  Mr.  Loch,  of  the  London  C.  O.  S.,  estimates  between  60.000  and 
70,000. 

The  proportion  of  bona  fide  working  men  traveling  in  search  of  employment 
is  estimated  as  less  than  3  %.  There  is  much  truth  in  the  saying,  "once  on  the 
road,  always  on  the  road."  The  habitual  vagrant  in  a  sense  bcbngs  to  the 
criminal  class.  The  existence  of  this  class  gives  rise  to  the  greatest  difficulties 

*47 


148  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

when  any  attempt  is  made  to  deal  with  the  question  of  the  unemployed.  All 
old  and  infirm  persons,  handicapped  and  unemployable,  many  of  whom  are 
crazy,  and  all  of  whom  live  by  begging,  give  much  trouble  to  the  police  and 
magistrates. 

The  vagrant  class  as  a  whole  is  not  much  addicted  to  the  worst  forms  of 
crime,  but  minor  offenses  are  very  common.  The  "masterful"  beggar  in- 
timidates the  farmer's  wife  and  assaults  persons  on  the  highways;  hay-rick 
firing  and  robbery  are  often  attributed  to  vagrants.  In  casual  wards  their 
offenses  generally  take  the  form  of  refusing  to  work,  destroying  clothes,  or  win- 
dow-breaking. On  the  average  every  vagrant  in  Northumberland  is  corn- 
committed  to  prison  once  a  year,  whereas  convictions  among  the  ordinary 
population  average  only  about  25  per  thousand.  The  number  of  prisoners 
of  the  vagrant  class  is  about  one-quarter  of  the  whole  prison  population. 

The  majority  of  vagrants  are  in  the  able-bodied  period  of  life;  the  number 
below  16  or  above  65  is  very  small;  70  %  of  the  whole  number  were  between 
35  and  65.  Vagrants  are  not  an  ill-fed  class;  their  bodies  are  as  a  rule  well- 
nourished;  as  a  rule  their  boots  are  sound.  The  modern  tramp  lives  an  un- 
social and  wretched  sort  of  existence.  He  has  no  object  in  life;  his  mere  con- 
tentment with  his  miserable  surroundings  renders  any  improvement  in  his 
condition  practically  hopeless. 

There  is  no  uniformity  whatever  in  the  sentences  for  vagrancy  offenses. 
The  great  majority  of  sentences  are  for  14  days,  a  sentence  impossible  to  defend 
from  any  practical  point  of  view.  In  the  case  of  the  inebriate,  short  sentences 
aggrevate  the  habit  of  drunkenness,  and  involve  great  expense.  The  vagrant 
deliberately  commits  offenses  to  obtain  a  short  imprisonment.  The  short 
sentence  is  very  ineffectual  in  getting  work  out  of  prisoners.  A  sentence  for 
less  than  fourteen  days  should  be  limited  to  one  day,  and  the  conviction  re- 
corded. The  general  conditions  in  modern  prisons  are  superior  to  those  to 
which  the  ordinary  tramp  is  accustomed.  Habitual  vagrants  should  be  sent 
to  labor  colonies  with  detention  for  not  less  than  six  months  or  more  than  three 
years. 

In  1905,  while  the  departmental  committee  on  vagrancy  was  still 
sitting,  a  royal  commission  on  the  poor  laws  was  appointed  "to  in- 
quire (i)  into  the  working  of  the  laws  relating  to 
Royal  the  relief  of  poor  persons  in  the  United  Kingdom; 

Commission  on  and  (2)  into  the  various  means  that  have  been 
Poor  Laws  adopted  outside  of  the  poor  laws  for  meeting 
distress  arising  from  want  of  employment,  particu- 
larly during  periods  of  severe  industrial  depression."  The  committee 
was  also  to  bring  in  recommendations. 

This  very  important  and  standard-setting  committee  recommended 
in  1909  that 

"For  those  unwilling  to  work,  and  for  those  whose  character  and  behavior 
are  such  that  no  employer  will  engage  them,  detention  colonies  under  the  control 
of  the  home  office  should  be  established.  No  system  of  labor  on  industrial 
colonies  can  be  properly  worked  unless  there  is  in  reserve  a  semi-penal  insti- 
tution to  which  those  who  refuse  to  comply  with  the  rules  and  regulations  of 
the  colony  can  be  sent  on  proof  of  repeated  or  continuous  misconduct. 

"At  Lingfield  and  Hadleigh  and  at  the  German  colony  at  Ware  good  results 
in  a  certain  number  of  cases  have  been  obtained  .  .  .  but  we  cannot, 


ROYAL  COMMISSION  ON  POOR  LAWS.  149 

on  the  evidence  and  figures  given,  speak  positively  as  to  the  actual  percentage 
of  those  thus  benefited,  nor  as  to  the  period  during  which  the  improvement 
lasted." 

After  recommending  the  establishment  in  England  of  voluntary 
labor  colonies  to  supersede  in  large  measure  the  pauper  workhouses, 
for  those  classes  "whose  unemployment  is  due  to  causes  wholly 
beyond  their  own  control",  the  report  passes  to  the  question  of  de- 
tention colonies,  "without  which  no  system  of  colonies  can  be  effec- 
tive." 

"We  endorse  the  recommendations  of  the  departmental  committee  on  va- 
grancy. For  imprisonment  we  propose  to  substitute  committal  to  a  detention 
colony  during  any  period  between  six  months  and  three  years,  for  a  wilful 
and  persistent  repetition  within  a  given  period  of  any  of  the  following  offenses: 

(a)  Neglect  to  support  self  or  families,  with  result  that  the  persons  or  their 
families  become  public  charges. 

(b)  Refusal  of  person  receiving  assistance  to  work  or  observe  regulations. 

(c)  Refusal  to  comply  with  conditions  of  receiving  relief. 

(d)  Giving  way  to  gambling,  drink  or  idleness  so  that  person  or  family 
becomes  chargeable  to  the  charitable  authorities." 

Turning  now  to  vagrancy  conditions  in  1911,  as  related  to  the  penal 
treatment  of  offenders  in  England,  we  first  define  those  who  fall 
into  the  vagrancy  class.  The  law  rests  on  the  vagrancy  act  of  1824. 
Three  classes  of  persons  are  defined: 

(1)  Idle  and  disorderly. 

(2)  Rogues  and  vagabonds. 

(3)  Incorrigible  rogues. 

CLASS    (I)  Idle  and  disorderly,  includes: 

(a)  Those  refusing  or  neglecting  to  maintain  self  or  family, 

thus  forcing  self  or  family  on  charitable  assistance. 
.     (b)  Those    removed    from    community,   but    returning   and 
becoming  dependent  upon  charitable  assistance. 

(c)  Workhouse  inmates  refusing  or  neglecting  to  perform  a 

prescribed  task,  or  destroying  their  clothes,  or  damag- 
ing the  property  of  the  poor  law  officials. 

(d)  Similar  provision    regarding    persons  relieved  by    work- 
house. 

(e)  Those  applying  for  relief  and  not  disclosing  money  or 
property  in  their  possession. 

(f)  Paupers   absconding   from   casual   ward,   workhouse  or 

asylum;    those    giving    false    names    or    statements  to 
obtain  relief. 

(g)  Unlicensed  pedlars,  also  mendicants  and  prostitutes  under 
certain  conditions. 


150  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

CLASS  (II)   Rogues  and  Vagabonds,  includes: 

(a)  Paupers  repeating  above  offenses. 

(b)  Family  deserters. 

(c)  Mendicants  exposing  wounds  and  deformities;  also  per- 

sons gathering  alms  under  false  pretenses. 

(d)  Certain  offenders  against  decency  and  morality. 

(e)  Fortune  tellers,  etc. 

(f)  Persons   found   in    enclosed    places,   etc.,   or   frequenting 

certain   places  with    unlawful    intent,    or    in    possession 
of  house-breaking  tools  or  armed  with  felonious  intent. 

(g)  Deserters  from  navy. 

(h)  Immigrants  or  aliens  guilty  "of  offenses  under  the  aliens 
act. 

CLASS  (III)     Incorrigible  Rogues,  includes: 

(a)  Persons  previously  convicted  as  rogues  and  vagabonds. 

(b)  Persons  escaping  from  legal  confinement  before  expiration 
of  a  term  of  sentence  under  the  vagrancy  act. 

The  terms  of  imprisonment  are  as  follows: 

CLASS      I  Idle  and  disorderly.     Not  more  than  one  month. 
CLASS    II  Rogues  and  vagabonds.     Not  more  than  three  months. 
CLASS  III  Incorrigible  rogues.     Not  more  than  one  year.     Male  offenders 
may  be  whipped. 

The  great  majority  of  sentences  under  this  act  are  for  fourteen 
days.  Let  us  turn  to  the  report  of  the  prison  commission  for  1910- 
1911  to  learn  of  the  deplorable  nature  of  the  vagrancy  problem 
today. 

In  the  first  place  the  terms  of  imprisonment  of  35^  per  cent  of  the 
persons  committed  to  prison  in  England  in  1910-1911  were  one 
week  or  less.  Over  60  per  cent  of  all  English  prisoners  received 
sentences  of  two  weeks,  or  more  than  one  week.  Only  20  per  cent 
of  English  prisoners  received  sentences  of  over  one  month. 

The  vagrant  class  continues  to  furnish  nearly  20  per  cent  of  the 
total  commitments  to  local  prisons.  "Additional  evidence-is  furnished 
this  year  (1910-11),  if  such  were  needed,  not  only  that  the  offenses 
of  habitual  vagrancy  should  be  made  the  subject  of  special  legis- 
lative enactment,  but  that  any  provisions  along  the  lines  of  the  com- 
mittee of  1906  might  be  expected  to  produce  effective  results." 

In  short,  English  and  American  experiences  and  methods  are 
similar.  Conditions  are  more  acute  in  England.  We  can  learn 
from  England's  plight  the  direction  in  which  we  are  moving.  Vag- 
rancy causes  with  us  20  per  cent  of  commitments  to  penal  institu- 
tions, according  to  the  1904  census.  In  England  it  caused  19  per 
cent  in  1910-1911.  England  is  still  condemned  to  the  short-sentence 
evil.  So  are  we.  England  has  a  large  percentage  of  vagrancy  re- 
peaters. So  have  we.  England  has  as  yet  no  compulsory  labor 
colony,  but  strongly  urges  one.  We  in  New  York  have  the  first 
compulsory  labor  colony  authorized  by  law.  The  experience  of 
England  proves  that  it  is  time. 


•o 
a 
"i 


- 
_ 


/. 


/ 


Chapter  twlit  mi 


ENGLISH    PRISONS 

IT  is  now  4.30  in  the  afternoon,"  said  Sir  Evelyn  Ruggles-Brise,  the 
chairman  of  the  English  prison  commission  to  me  one  afternoon 
last  summer  in  London, '  and  I  know  that  just  now  that  at  every 
local  and  every  convict  prison  in  England  the  same  things  in  general 
are  being  done,  and  that  in  general  they  are  being  done  in  the  same 

\\.I_V." 

That  is  the  keynote  of  the  English  prison  system.  Definite  rules 
of  administration  —  so  many  that  the  rules  and  regulations  for  local 
prisons  fill  an  official  volume  of  five  hundred  pages  —  and  within 
the  limits  of  these  carefully  prescribed  rules,  a  liberty  of  action  and 
discretion.  The  result  is  plain.  "Do  I  need  to  see  such  and  such 
prisons  ?"  I  asked,  mentioning  several  that  were  located  on  my  way 
from  England  to  Scotland.  "Not  if  you  see  such  and  such  prisons," 
was  the  answer.  In  short,  if  one  sees  a  typical  local  prison  and  a 
typical  convict  prison,  one  learns  the  idea  that  all  embody. 

The  result  is  that  the  American  visitor,  far  from  finding  the  diver- 
sity of  prison  architecture,  administration  and  appointments  that 
characterize  our  own  states  of  the  Union,  finds  in 
English  each  prison  in  general  a  like  equipment,  like  uni- 

System.  forms,  officers  that  resemble  each  other  so  much 

that  one  no  longer  differentiates  them  in  different 
prisons,  always  a  governor  or  a  deputy  governor,  always  a  chief 
warder  (often  the  storehouse  of  prison  wisdom)  and  a  small  army  of 
subordinates.  Cells  are  equipped  in  prison  after  prison  with  the 
same  appointments,  placed  in  each  prison  in  the  same  order  in  the 
cells.  So  many  tins,  so  much  furniture,  so  big  a  mattress,  rolled  in 
such  and  such  a  manner  upon  such  and  such  a  chair.  In  short,  such 
systematic  order  in  the  cells  that  the  prison  inspector  can  see  at  a 
glance  what  is  out  of  place  or  missing. 

Order  and  orders  seem  to  be  fundamental  features  of  the  English 
prison  system.  Centralization  of  authority  is  paramount.  At  the 
head  of  the  prison  system  is  the  secretary  of  state;  under  him  the 
prison  commissioners,  of  whom  the  chairman  is  Sir  Evelyn  Ruggles- 
Brise,  a  distinguished  criminologist.  The  prison  commissioners  are 
salaried  officials,  giving  their  entire  time.  They  appoint  all  subor- 
dinate officials,  from  the  governor  of  the  prison  down.  The  tenure  of 
office  of  officials  is  during  good  behavior,  and  is  remarkably  per- 
manent. Worry  about  loss  of  position  is  practically  eliminated,  so 
far  as  political  influences  are  concerned.  Inspectors  of  prisons  are 
appointed  by  the  secretary  of  state.  A  visiting  committee  of  magis- 
trates is  appointed  for  each  prison  annually  by  quarter  sessions,  to 
be  a  kind  of  "watchdog  for  trie  public." 

The  present  administrative  system  came  into  existence  in  1877, 
through  the  prison  act.  In  1876  there  were  1 13  local  prisons,  governed 


152  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  or  NEW  YORK. 

by  local  authorities.  Conditions  of  management  and  inefficiency 
then  were  strikingly  like  conditions  still  existing  in  our  own  county 
jails.  There  was  no  standard  of  architecture,  administration,  punish- 
ment, promotion  or  privileges.  The  prison  act  of  1877  at  one  stroke 
centralized  the  control  and  conduct  of  all  English  prisons  under  the 
prison  commission,  although  for  a  time  there  was  great  objection  to 
such  a  drastic  change.  To-day  no  one  would  urge  in  Parliament 
a  return  to  the  old  conditions.  Not  only  are  the  English  prisons 
managed  at  present  satisfactorily  to  the  English  public  in  general, 
but  the  number  of  prisons  has  been  reduced  from  113  in  1877  to  57 
at  present. 

The  American  penologist  finds  in  English  prisons  and  English 
penal  laws  conditions  differing  so  much  from  American  conditions 
that  analysis  is  sometimes  difficult,  because  at 
English  first  the  contrasts  of  English  "conservatism"  and 

and  American  so-called  "progressiveness"  are  apt  to 

American  react  disadvantageously  to  the  English  system. 
Systems.  Let  us  note  some  of  the  contrasts.  In  the  United 
States  we  have  in  each  state  a  different  penal 
system;  in  England  we  find  one  state  and  one  system.  In  our  country, 
the  state  prisons  may  be  managed  by  one  board,  the  reformatories 
by  another,  the  county  institutions  by  sheriffs,  the  city  institutions  by 
municipal  commissioners,  and  the  many  private  or  semi-private  reform- 
atories by  separate  boards.  In  England,  one  board  of  commissioners 
manages  all  institutions,  from  the  reception  or  remand  prisons  to 
the  convict  prisons  (our  state  prisons).  With  us,  each  institution  is 
an  experiment  station  to  try  out  new  ideas  in  penology;  what  one 
state  succeeds  in  appeals  to  other  states;  what  one  state  fails  in  teaches 
other  states  a  lesson.  In  England,  the  prison  commissioners  do  the 
experimenting  for  the  entire  system;  four  or  five  men.  No  sudden 
surprise  can  come  from  Portland,  or  Borstal,  or  Wormwood  Scrubbs. 
As  competition  in  new  ideas  is  the  life  of  American  penology,  so  the 
conservative  weighing  of  advantages  and  disadvantages  of  an  in- 
novation, which  generally  must  be  applied  to  the  entire  system, 
causes  England  to  make  haste  slowly. 

Let  me  cite  some  specific  instances.  New  York  state  introduced 
at  Elmira  in  1876  the  reformatory  system  for  felons  between  ages 
of  16  and  30.  Rhode  Island,  Colorado  and  a  number  of  other  states 
initiated  children's  courts  over  a  decade  ago.  Massachusetts  de- 
veloped a  probation  system  thirty  years  or  more  ago.  Colorado 
announced  recently  great  success  in  working  prisoners  on  roads  far 
away  from  the  prison.  Kansas  City  manages  a  municipal  farm  work- 
house. Sheriff  Tracy  in  Montpelier,  Vermont,  lets  his  jail  prisoners 
out,  free  to  work  for  farmers  during  the  day.  The  parole  system  is 
being  developed  intensively  by  the  Prison  Association  of  New  York. 
The  State  Charities  Aid  Association  of  this  state  puts  through  the 
legislature  a  bill  authorizing  the  city  of  New  York  to  establish  a  board 
of  inebriety.  Throughout  the  country  new  ideas,  new  principles  in 
the  treatment  of  the  offender  spring  up,  are  tried  out,  are  reported 


THE  PRISON  ACT  OF  1898.  153 

upon  at  conferences,  fail  or  succeed; and  we  make  progress,  sometimes 
directly,  often  laterally,  and  not  infrequently  backward. 

But  in  England  the  steps  are  slow  and  sure.  The  history  of  the 
last  ten  years  of  prison  administration  are  of  exceptional  interest  to 
American  students.  Let  us  briefly  review  some  of  the  innovations 
and  developments  of  prison  science  in  England  since  1900. 

In  1898  an  English  prison  act  passed,  providing  that  prisoners  not 
sentenced  to  hard  labor  might  be  further  classified  according  to  the 
gravity  of  the  offense  and  the  character  of  the 
The  offender,  and  that  the  labor  of  prisoners  in  local 

Prison  prisons  might,  under  due  supervision  be  in  asso- 

Act  of  ciation  instead  of  cellular.  Cellular  separate  con- 

1898.  finement  has  until  recent  years  been  the  backbone 

of  the  English  prison  system.  Formerly,  cel- 
lular confinement  continued  in  local  prisons  for  two  years,  after  which 
the  prisoners  were  transferred  to  convict  prisons  for  the  rest  of  their 
sentence. 

Corporal  punishment,  by  the  terms  of  the  prison  act  of  1898,  was 
to  be  awarded  less  frequently,  and  for  fewer  offenses;  ordinary  pris- 
oners might  earn  a  remission  of  a  portion  of  their  sentences  through 
good  conduct;  the  payment  of  a  portion  of  a  fine  might  cause  a  remis- 
sion of  a  portion  of  their  sentences;  boards  of  visiting  magistrates 
were  appointed;  there  were  provided  increased  opportunities  for 
school  instruction,  increased  privileges  as  to  letters,  visits  and  library 
books;  and  in  the  later  stages  of  imprisonment  the  privilege  of  talk- 
ing might  be  awarded  to  certain  deserving  prisoners. 

What  had  been  the  results  up  101900?  In  the  classification  of 
prisoners  and  in  the  development  of  associated  labor,  good.  The 
cellular  system  of  confinement  still  remained  the  law,  but  prisoners 
whose  conduct  was  good  might  be  associated  if  practicable.  The 
two  years  between  1898  and  1900  brought  a  reduction  of  cases  of 
corporal  punishment;  the  remission  of  a  certain  part  of  the  sentence 
in  the  cases  of  prisoners  whose  sentences  exceeded  six  months  brought 
great  stimulus,  as  did  the  chance  to  pay  off  a  portion  of  the  fine,  in 
lieu  of  which  payment  imprisonment  had  been  imposed.  The 
privileges  of  conversation  in  exceptional  cases  seemed  to  be  but  par- 
tially appreciated  by  the  prisoners. 

These  innovations,  only  a  little  more  than  ten  years  old  in  English 
local  prisons,  will  seem  to  Americans  extremely  conservative,  but 
they  furnish  us  a  background  upon  which  to  consider  the  changes 
that  have  occurred  in  the  decade  1000-1910. 

The  principal  improvement  in  tne  English  penal  system  in  the 
last  10  years  has  been  undoubtedly  the  treatment  of  so-called  juvenile 
adults,  children  less  than  21  years  of  age.  Between  the  years  1893 
and  1903  there  had  been  committed  to  prison  juveniles  as  follows: 

Males  Females 

Under  12 490  »& 

12  or  under  16 *5»4»9  i»i»9 

1 6  or  under  21 '47.239  *7»974 


154  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

More  than  half  of  those  under  16  were  committed  to  prison  in 
default  of  payment  of  a  fine,  and  for  such  slight  offenses  as  trespass, 
playing  games  in  street,  throwing  stones  and  sleeping  out  (i.  e., 
vagrancy). 

By  1900  the  juveniles  were  being  collected  into  certain  local  prisons, 

and  a  plan  of  separate  treatment  of  a  partially  reformatory  character, 

and  not  in  association  with  the  older  offenders, 

Juvenile  was  being  tried  out,  but  the  "movement"  was  not 

Adults.  yet  a  law.     In  1901  it  was  decided  to  surrender 

a  portion  of  the  convict  prison  of  Borstal  for  the 

detention  of  juvenile  adults   (J.  e.,  those  between    16  and  21).     A 

reformatory  plan  was  proposed,  the  fundamental  principles  of  the 

new  treatment  to  be:     (a)  strict  classification;  (b)  firm  and  exact 

discipline;  (c)  hard  work;  (d)  organized  supervision  on  discharge. 

In  the  same  year  an  association  of  visitors  of  London  prisons  was 

formed  for  the  supervision  after  discharge  of  young  Borstal  prisoners. 

Meanwhile  the  special  treatment  of  juvenile  adults  was  being  tested 

at  Bedford  and  other  prisons  with  eminent  success. 

The  prison  commission  was  all  the  more  concerned  with  the  pro- 
vision for  more  adequate  reformatory  treatment  of  young  offenders  — 
there  being  at  the  time  no  reformatory  in  England  for  such  juveniles  — 
because  the  prison  committee  appointed  by  parliament  in  1894  had 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  the  age  when  the  majority  of  criminals 
are  made  lies  between  16  and  21.     It  appeared  to  the  committee  that 
the  most  determined  effort  should  be  made  to  lay  hold  of  these  in- 
cipient criminals,  and  to  prevent  them  by  strong  restraint  and  rational 
treatment  from  recruiting  the  habitual  class.     Short  sentences  had 
proved  neither  a  deterrent  nor  a  remedy. 

In  the  following  chapter,  upon  Borstal  institutions,  I  have  outlined 
in  detail  the  present  status  of  the  treatment  of  juvenile  adults,  and 
so  give  the  matter  no  further  direct  attention  here. 

Just  at  the  beginning  of  the  century  a  census  of  convicts  was  taken 
in  English  prisons,  which  showed  that  no  less  than  56  per  cent  had 
been  previously  convicted  five  times  or  more.     A 
The  public  inquiry  in  1894  had  recommended  severer 

Habitual  corrective  measures.  In  1908  a  law,  entitled  the 
Criminal.  prevention  of  crime  act,  was  passed  which  not 
only  provided  for  the  reformatory  treatment  of 
juvenile  adults,  but  also  —  and  most  strikingly  —  for  the  preventive 
detention  of  habitual  criminals  after  the  sentence  for  which  they 
should  be  imprisoned  had  been  served.  In  other  words,  England 
has  given  the  courts  power  to  declare  a  man  who  has  been  persist- 
ently leading  a  dishonest  and  criminal  life  to  be  an  habitual  criminal; 
and  where  a  person  is  so  proved,  a  subsidiary  sentence  may  be  passed, 
ordering  that  on  the  termination  of  the  sentence  of  penal  servitude  — 
not  less  than  three  years  —  he  may  be  kept  for  a  further  period  not 
exceeding  ten  nor  less  than  five  years  in  a  state  of  "preventive  de- 
tention." 


: 
-- 


: 
_ 


. 

: 


SEPARATE  CONFINEMENT. 


155 


The  question  of  placing  the  said  habitual  criminal  under  an  in- 
determinate sentence  was  considered  in  parliament,  and  was  opposed 
by  the  majority,  for  in  England  still  the  feeling  is  uppermost  that 
the  courts  should  set  the  limits  quite  definitely  within  which  the 
sentence  is  to  be  served.  So  the  present  maximum  of  ten  years  was 
a  compromise.  In  announcing  the  new  departure,  Sir  Evelyn 
Ruggles-Brise  stated  that  he  believed  that  there  is  no  analogy  to  the 
preventive  detention  act  in  present  European  law. 

The  preventive  detention  prison  is  now  practically  completed, 
being  located  at  Camp  Hill,  next  to  Paikhurst  Prison,  Newport, 
Isle  of  Wight.  My  visit  to  this  prison  was  of  special  interest  to  me, 
because  the  surveyor  of  English  prisons,  Major  Rodgers,  was  the 
builder,  and  had  embodied  into  the  prison  for  the  first  time  in  the 
history  of  the  English  prison  system,  certain  American  features  that 
in  England  are  still  very  new.  I  refer  particularly  to  the  group  system 
of  cell  houses,  containing  approximately  30  cells  each,  and  being 
practically  a  cottage  system  construction  within  prison  walls.  Also 
as  to  the  common  dining  room  the  prison  commissioners  have  sanc- 
tioned an  innovation,  for  so  far  as  I  know  there  are  no  common 
mess  halls  in  other  English  prisons,  and,  still  further,  I  found  a  com- 
mon lounging  room,  or  reading  room,  where  the  men  may  gather, 
in  each  cottage.  .In  short,  this  prison  is  to  be  not  a  severe  penal 
institution,  but  a  place  of  segregation,  where  society  places  humanely 
away  its  persistent  offenders,  and  where  strict  discipline  and  safe 
custody  will  prevail,  while  admitting  of  certain  indulgences  and 
privileges,  earned  by  industry  and  good  conduct. 

More  and  more  the  feeling  grows  in  England  and  elsewhere  that 
the  weeding-out  of  the  habitual  offender  will  reduce  considerably 
the  amount  of  crime,  the  deeds  and  their  cost  to  society  of  habitual 
criminals  being  far  greater  in  number  and  importance  than  those 
of  the  occasional  offender.  Reverting  again  to  the  governmental 
inquiry  into  prison  administration  held  in  1894,  we  find  figures  there 
adduced  to  snow  that  though  of  every  100  of  those  who  go  to  prison 
for  the  first  time,  70  per  cent  do  not  return  again,  yet  of  those  con- 
victed a  second,  third,  fourth  and  fifth  time,  there  returned  to  prison 
respectively  48,  64,  71  and  79  per  cent. 

In  the  matters  pretaining  to  the  daily  routine  life  of  the  prisoner 
a  considerable  amelioration  has  taken  place  in  both  local  and  convict 
prisons  during  the  last  decade.  As  mentioned 
Separate  above,  the  separate  cellular  confinement  has  been 
Confine-  a  fundamental  principle  in  English  penology, 
ment.  Evolved  early  in  the  last  century  for  the  purpose 

of  preventing  moral  contamination  through  the 
promiscuous  association  of  prisoners,  it  became  largely  solitary  con- 
finement with  the  breaks  in  the  fearful  monotony  made  possible, 
only  through  the  visits  of  prison  officials.  In  1857  the  provision 
for  eighteen  months  of  separate  confinement  for  each  convict  was 
embodied  in  the  penal  servitude  acts.  Later,  after  repeated  experi- 
ments, the  period  of  separate  confinement  was  reduced  to  nine  months. 


156  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

By  the  prison  act  of  1898  the  sentences  of  local  prisoners  up  to  two 
years,  which  had  been  passed  prior  to  that  in  cellular  confinement, 
might  henceforth  be  passed,  under  certain  conditions,  in  association 
so  far  as  labor  was  concerned.  The  separate  confinement  of  convict 
prisoners  was  later  reduced  to  six  months.  In  1904  provision  was 
made  in  convict  prisons  for  a  new  classification  of  prisoners,  whereby 
there  should  be  three  classes  of  convicts,  the  star  class  (those  never 
before  convicted),  the  intermediate  class  and  the  habitual  class.  Fur- 
thermore, those  convicts  having  particularly  long  sentences  had  their 
conditions  of  life  ameliorated.  From  19051019101116  period  of  separate 
confinement  had  been  for  the  first  offender  in  convict  prisons,  three 
months;  for  the  intermediate  class,  six  months;  for  the  recidivist  or 
habitual,  nine  months.  These  terms  had  been  served  in  local  prisons, 
after  which  the  convicts  were  transferred  to  convict  prisons,  where  the 
work  was  carried  on  largely  in  association. 

In  1910,  partly  as  a  result  of  a  general  agitation  on  the  question 
of  separate  confinement,  stimulated  to  some  extent  by  the  publication 
and  staging  of  Galsworthy's  "Justice,"  Secretary  Churchill  caused 
the  periods  of  separate  confinement  to  be  very  sensibly  reduced,  so 
that  at  present  the  first  offenders  and  intermediates  among  those 
sentenced  to  penal  servitude  pass  the  first  month  in  separate  confine- 
ment, and  the  recidivists  pass  three  months  in  separate  confinement. 

This  question  of  separate  confinement  save  for  exercise  periods 
has  in  general  but  an  academic  interest  for  the  American  penologist. 
The  separate  confinement  plan  as  maintained  until  recently  in  England 
and  still  in  Belgium,  Holland  and  Germany,  among  other  European 
countries,  was  long  ago  abolished  from  American  prisons.  No 
American  prison  so  far  as  I  know  pursues  this  system  now.  Indeed, 
we  have  in  our  county  jails  and  many  a  municipal  institution  swung 
disgracefully  to  the  other  extreme,  and  allow  to  unconvicted  prisoners 
the  freedom  of  corridors  and  "bullpens"  and  promiscuous  associa- 
tion with  their  fellows  that  has  brought  down  upon  this  country  the 
just  criticism  of  all  the  civilized  world  of  penology.  It  is  also  an 
academic  question  with  us  what  mental  and  physical  results  attend 
the  long  separate  confinement.  Suffice  it  for  our  consideration  at 
present  that  England  has  abolished  the  long  terms  that  caused  such 
criticism,  often  replete  with  terrible  citations  of  experiences  endured. 

It  is  also  within  the  last  decade  that  the  treadwheels  and  the  crank 
have  been  abolished  in  English  prisons,  that  futile  and  debasing 
exercise  forced  upon  the  prisoner  to  keep  him  occupied,  or  as  a  punish- 
ment. As  late  as  1895,  39  treadwheels  and  29  cranks  were  in  opera- 
tion. By  1901,  only  13  treadwheels  and  5  cranks  had  remained. 
The  prison  commissioners  in  that  year  stated  that  strict  separation 
and  some  onerous-  task,  such  as  picking  oakum,  had  taken  the  place 
of  the  treadwheels.  The  treadwheel  used  to  be  the  hard  labor  of 
the  first  twenty-eight  days  of  the  prisoner's  sentence,  a  humane  way, 
orsooth,  of  inculcating  kindly  feelings  in  the  prisoner's  heart  toward 
the  state  that  placed  him  upon  the  wheel. 


PRISON  LABOR. 


'57 


During  the  decade,  also,  corporal  punishment  decreased  nearly 
every  year  in  the  number  of  instances.     The  law  still  allows  cor- 
poral punishment,  but  now  only  for  assault  cases 
Punish-  upon  officers  of  the  prison.     The  governor  him- 

ments.  self  may  not  direct  the  punishment,  but  it  must 

be  sanctioned  and  ordered  by  the  board  of  visitors 
of  the  prison,  and  shall  not  take  effect  until  after  the  sanction  of  the 
secretary  of  state.  It  was  felt  by  the  prison  governors  with  whom  I 
talked  that  for  the  exceptional  cases  of  aggravated  offenses  the  cat 
is  a  salutary  punishment.  In  the  year  1910-1911  there  were  19  cases 
of  corporal  punishment  in  local  prisons,  and  four  cases  in  convict 
prisons.  The  total  number  of  offenses  committed  in  prison  for  which 
some  form  of  punishment  was  administered  was,  in  1910-1911,  in 
the  local  prisons  24,630  males,  1,205  females.  In  the  convict  pri- 
sons, 1,358  males,  29  females.  The  forms  of  punishments  were 
as  follows: 

LOCAL  PRISONS  CONVICT  PRISONS 


Males    Females  Males    Females 

Irons  or  handcuffs 180  28  98      

Close  confinement  in  special  cells 133  154  30  21 

Corporal  punishment 19    4      

Close  confinement  in  ordinary  cells I7>955  846  1,674  41 

Dietary  punishment 17^S  ^94  '.632  39 

Loss  of  stage  or  privilege 101837  450  1,681  48 

Total  persons  punished !9»575        1,218        1,358  29 

Nature  of  offenses: 

Violence 423  28  603              7 

Escapes  and  attempts  to  escape 2      3      

Idleness 12,393  53  *39 

Other  breaches  of  regulations 11,812  1,124  1,732            46 

Total  offenses 24,630        1,205       2,577  53 

The  industrial  problem  in  prisons  is  closely  related  to  the  punish- 
ment problem.     The  reader  will  note  that  idleness  or  "sojering" 
on  the  work  caused  the  largest  number  of  punisn- 
Prison  ments.     The  American  who  is  familiar  with  the 

Labor.  great    industrial    development    of   many    of  our 

prisons  will  feel  that  the  English  prisons  are 
securing  a  small  output  indeed  for  the  number  of  men  that  they  have. 
It  should  be  remembered,  however,  that  the  president  of  the  prison 
commission  does  not  desire  the  possible  financial  return  from  the 
labor  of  prisoners  to  wield  an  important  influence  in  the  shaping  of 
prison  administration,  and  that  furthermore,  until  recently  a  con- 
siderable part  of  each  prisoner's  term  has  been  spent  in  separate 
confinement,  each  prisoner  occupying  a  cell  to  himself,  and  that 


158  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

labor  in  consequence  hadjto*be  fitted  to  the  capacity  of  the  prisoner, 
the  cell  and  the  motive  power,  which  in  general  is  foot  or  hand  rather 
than  machinery.  In  short,  the  industrial  capacity  of  European 
prisons,  except  the  few  most  modern  ones  that  have  introduced 
power  machinery  and  also  work  in  association,  seemed  to  me  pitifully 
small. 

Yet  during  the  decade,  the  output  of  the  prisons  has  considerably 
increased.  In  1900  the  cellular  system  of  confinement  of  prisoners 
in  local  prisons  was  still  in  general  use,  up  to  two  years  for  those 
who  had  sentences  of  that  length.  While  the  total  value  of  the  labor 
of  all  the  prisoners  of  local  and  convict  prisons  in  1899-1900  was 
estimated  by  the  comptroller  of  industries  to  be  200,000  pounds,  the 
earnings  were  imputed  earnings,  that  is,  largely  the  estimated  value 
of  work  performed  in  manufactures,  farms,  and  buildings,  and  in- 
cluding domestic  service.  The  situation  in  English  prisons  was  well 
shown  in  the  report  of  the  prison  commissioners  for  1907,  in  which 
they  call  emphatic  attention  to  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  a  market 
for  prison  labor,  the  government  departments  of  the  general  post- 
office  and  the  admiralty  being  practically  the  only  departments  to 
take  the  products  of  prison  labor,  it  being  optional  with  govern- 
ment departments  to  take  such  products.  And  the  report  continues: 
"That  we  should  be  obliged  to  rely  entirely  upon  the  good  will  and 
consideration  of  other  public  departments  for  the  furnishing  of  indus- 
trial employment  for  prisoners  is  of  course  a  very  precarious  position 
upon  which  to  rely  for  the  performance  of  what  theoretically  is 
regarded  as  the  first  duty  of  a  prison  authority.  Should  orders  from 
these  government  departments  —  the  general  post-office  and  the 
admiralty  —  be  reduced,  as  the  experience  of  the  year  seems  to  suggest 
that  they  may  be  done  in  the  future,  we  shall  be  confronted  with  a 
very  serious  problem. 

In  1908  the  difficulty  still  continued.  According  to  the  1911  report, 
the  financial  statements  regarding  expenses  of  maintenance  and  the 
earnings  of  prisoners  were  as  shown  below.  It  should  be  remembered 
that  work  in  English  prisons  is  generally  less  extensive  than  in  cor- 
responding American  institutions,  with  less  high  tension.  Contract 
labor  or  state  account  did  not  appear  in  any  significant  amount  in 
the  prisons  I  visited. 

Cost:  Local  prisons  Convict  prisons 

Staff. £274,506       i     ii  £73,866     12      .. 

Maintenance 144,622       4      ..  43,8oi     17       4 

Other    expenses,    exclusive    of   new 

buildings 101,001       7       4  10,818      ..     10 


Total  for  year £520,129      ..       4     £128,486     10      2 

Total  annual  charge  per  prisoner. ...  30      ..       4  40     14      9 


PRISON  INDUSTRIES. 


159 


Deductions: 

Value  of  labor  (measured),  exclusive 

of  employment  in  the  service  of  the       LoCAL  PRI8ON8       ^"Vicr  P*»°N8 
person..  128,530     12      8         56,857      2     ii 

Incidental  receipts 3.083     14     ..  1,228     10      4 

Total  deductions £131,614      6      8      £58,085     13      3 

Net  cost,  after  above  deductions £388,515      6      7      £70,400     16     ii 

Net  annual  charge  per  prisoner 18109  22       6      5 

In  short,  the  net  annual  per  capita  cost,  exclusive  of  imputed  or 
estimated  earnings,  was  in  1910-1911,  for  the  local  prisons  $90.06 
and  for  the  convict  prisons  $108.59.  But  'l  's  to  De  noted  that  "as 
the  result  of  the  work  upon  which  prisoners  are  employed  is  principally 
for  the  government,  only  a^small  portion  of  the  amount  is  actually 
received  in  cash."  The  sums  "earned"  under  each  branch  were: 

Manufacturing  department £122,470 

Farm 6,362 

Prison  building  department 58,309 

Admiralty  building  department 5*804 

Service  of  the  prison 63,877 

In  the  statement  it  is  to  be  observed,  for  the  purpose  of  proper 
comparison  with  earnings  of  American  prisons,  that  an  item  of 
£63,877,  or  $310,825  was  imputed  earnings  for  domestic  service  in 
the  prisons,  an  item  that  is,  so  far  as  I  know,  not  generally  estimated 
in  the  per  capita  earnings  of  American  prisons.  Only  in  the  convict 
prisons,  especially  at  Portland,  are  industries  maintained  on  a  scale 
similar  to  that  of  many  American  prisons.  In  Holloway,  Penton- 
ville,  and  Wormwood  Scrubbs  many  prisoners  were  employed  either 
in  their  cells  or  while  seated  in  the  corridors,  at  hand  labor,  such  as 
oakum  teasing,  bag  making,  or  at  sewing.  Small  shops  were  running 
at  Wormwood  Scrubbs.  Parkhurst  Prison,  on  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
is  largely  a  prison  for  the  incapacitated,  with  a  large  percentage  of 
old  persons,  sick  and  feeble-minded  prisoners.  It  is  found  that  with 
the  extension  of  associated  labor,  the  work  done  is  better  in  quality 
and  greater  in  quantity  than  that  done  in  the  cells. 

At  Holloway  prison  I  found  the  bulk  of  the  women  (it  being  a 
women's  prison)  engaged  in  needle  work,  and  in  the  laundry.     One 
trade,  bead-portiere  making,  was  carried  on  for 
Prison  the  outside  market.     The  women  were  also  em- 

Industries,        ployed  at  mattress  making  and  pillow  making. 
The  inmate's  uniforms  are  coarse  in  quality,  but 
of  a  pleasant  brown  shade,  and^the  English  custom  of  wearing  a 
neat,  small  cap  extends  even  to  the  prisoners.     Of  course  the  prisoners 
are  also  utilized  at  domestic  service. 


160  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

Pentonville  prison  is  the  historic  first  modern  prison  and  was 
built  on  the  Pennsylvania  radial  plan  in  1840.  To-day  it  impresses 
one  as  cheerless  and  old,  and  is  reminiscent  of  Sing  Sing,  both  as 
to  age  and  crowded  buildings  added  from  time  to  time  in  a  limited 
area.  Pentonville  receives  largely  a  low-willed  and  dissolute  idle 
class  from  the  poorer  parts  of  London,  with  whom  it  is  claimed  little 
can  be  accomplished  industrially.  Little  work,  relatively,  can  be 
done,  in  proportion  to  the  large  average  population  of  the  prisons 
The  estimated  value  of  the  services  of  a  daily  average  of  1,067  male 
prisoners  was  in  1910-1911,  £11,504,  or  a  little  over  ten  pounds  or 
fifty  dollars  per  prisoner,  about  fourteen  cents  a  day.  The  principal 
occupations  are  sack  making,  coir  picking,  oakum  picking,  tailoring, 
cotton  sorting,  mailbag  making;  many  inmates  are  also  used  in 
domestic  service  in  the  prisons. 

Wormwood  Scrubbs  is  also  a  local  prison  in  London,  much  more 
modern  than  Pentonville  and  built  upon  the  cellblock  plan  more 
familiar  to  Americans,  although  with  outside  cells  instead  of  inside 
cells.  The  principal  activities  are  much  the  same  as  at  Penton- 
ville, save  that  a  number  of  shops  furnish  employment  for  picked 
groups.  There  were,  out  of  a  daily  average  of  1,022  prisoners  in 
the  manufacturing  trades,  a  daily  average  for  instance  of  21  basket 
makers,  27  book-binders,  57  carpenters,  41  mat  makers,  etc.  The 
proportion  of  those  industrially  employed  at  Portland  prison  was  as 
follows.  Of  a  total  of  671,  in  manufactures  108;  in  building  opera- 
tions, 270;  for  the  admiralty  (carpenters,  excavators,  laborers,  plate- 
layers, quarrymen,  riggers,  etc.),  148;  service  of  the  prison,  103; 
non-effective,  42.  • 

Four  types  of  prisons  are  under  the  prison  commission,  as  follows: 
MALES  FEMALES  TOTAL 

1910-11  1909-10  1910-11  1909-10  1910-11  1909-10 

Local  prisons 14*596  16,026  2,386  2,495      16,982  18,521 

Convict  prisons 3^95  3>°69  114  120       3,309  3>i89 

Borstal  institutions 508  208  27  8           535  216 

State  inebriate  reform- 
atories . .  . ; 24  30  54  62            78  92 

Convict  prisons  correspond  in  general  to  our  state  prisons,  and 
receive  those  committed  to  penal  servitude,  the  minimum  term  being 
three  years.     Local   prisons   are   for  those   com- 
The  mitted  for  shorter  periods  than  three  years.     To 

Prison  the  Borstal  institutions,  three  in  number,  are  corn- 

Population,        mitted  persons  between  the  ages  of  16  and  23, 
who  are  not  first  offenders  and  who  are  physically 
and  mentally  able  to  profit  by  the  strenuous  reformatory  treatment 
there  given.     The  state   inebriate   reformatories   are  institutions   of 
the  nature  designated  by  the  title. 


Portland   Prison.   England.     Portion   Erected   in    I&4Q 


Portland  Prison.  England.     Block  Erected  in  1909 


DETAILS  OF  DAILY  LIFE.  161 

The  total  commitments  to  the  above  institutions  for  the  years  1909- 
10  and  1910-11  were  as  follows: 

1910-11  i  poo- 10 

Sentenced  to  penal  servitude 926  1,115 

Sentenced  to  imprisonment 166,608  178,963 

Sentenced  to  detention  in  Borstal  institutions 530  284 

Imprisoned  as  debtors  or  on  civil  process l?»437  18,841 

Imprisoned  in  default  of  sureties 894  1,062 

186,395       200,265 

This  decrease  of  13,870  in  the  total  number  of  prisoners  over  1909- 
10  resulted  in  the  lowest  percentage  (464.8  per  100,000  inhabitants) 
reached  by  the  prisons,  except  in  one  year,  in  the  last  thirty  years, 
and  leads  the  present  commissioners  to  believe  that  crime  is  actually 
decreasing  in  England.  I  comment  in  the  next  chapter  upon  the 
decrease  in  juvenile  criminality. 

Let  us  now  summarize  briefly  certain  fractures  of  the  treatment 
of  the  prisoner  during  his  term.  English  prison  discipline  is  strict. 
The  surroundings  of  the  prisoner  are  severe  but  humane.  English 
prisons  are  not  ornate;  many  of  them  are  old  and  show  frequent 
renovations.  Persons  with  less  than  twenty-eight  days'  sentence 
serve  their  entire  period,  except  for  exercise,  in  cellular  confinement. 
The  cells  in  the  local  prisons  are  of  sufficient  size  to  enable  cellular 
work  to  be  carried  on  in  them,  having  the  following  measurements: 
13  x  7  x  9  feet,  or  819  cubic  feet.  Of  course  "living"  cells  should 
be  larger,  perhaps,  than  night  cells,  but  the  convict  prison  cells  of 
England  are  also  spacious,  measuring  10  x  7  x  9,  or  630  cubic  feet. 
When  we  consider  that  it  has  been  until  recently  necessary  frequently 
to  put  two  men  into  a  Sing  Sing  cell  that  measures  approximately 
200  cubic  feet,  we  can  see  what  separate  cells  for  separate  prisoners 
mean  in  England. 

English  prisoners  find  in  their  cells  a  certain  amount  of  fixed  fur- 
niture, such  as  the  wooden  table,  the  hinged  bed  board  or  iron  bed, 
the  cast-iron  corner  shelves,  and  the  table.  There 
Details  are  no  water  closets  in  the  cells,  the  bucket  system, 

of  long  since  discarded  in  our  modern  prisons,  being 

Daily  still  in  vogue.  Nor  did  I  find  running  water  in 

Life.  the  cells.  I  was  constantly  impressed  with  the 

seeming  fact  that  English  prisons  cannot  get 
away  from  the  idea  that  uncomfortable  and  traditional  severity  must 
be  preserved  in  cell  fixtures.  Only  recently  apparently  has  it  been 
allowed  the  prisoner  to  have  even  the  photographs  of  a  few  "respec- 
table" friends  in  his  cell.  To  the  American  eye  the  fixed  bathtubs, 
even  though  admitting  of  cleaning  after  each  prisoner's  bath,  seem 


162  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

ultra-conservative,  although  the  Englishman,  I  fancy,  feels  that  our 
showers  are  not  sufficiently  cleansing. 

As  regards  cell  windows,  noteworthy  changes  are  occurring,  in 
order  to  give  the  prisoner  a  chance  to  see  the  sky  and  to  have  more 
direct  air.  The  opaque  glass  and  the  small  dungeon-like  apertures 
are  giving  way,  at  a  considerable  cost,  to  larger  panes,  sliding  panes 
for  ventilation,  and  clear  glass,  alternations  being  made  at  a  cost  of 
from  $4.0  to  $50  a  window.  The  cell  doors  are  of  wood,  often  sheathed 
with  sheet  iron.  All  doors  open  inward.  The  older  cell  floors  are 
of  stone  flags,  the  newer  floors  being  laid  of  concrete. 

The  English  prisoner  can  envy  his  American  brother  as  regards 
illumination,  for  instead  of  the  electric  light  in  each  cell,  the  older 
prisons  still  have  the  naked  gas  jet,  in  a  gas  box  outside  the  cell,  the 
box  often  serving  for  two  cells.  The  jets  are  being  rapidly  fitted  with 
thirty-candle-power  incandescent  mantles,  which  increase  the  power 
of  the  light  very  much.  "The  reasons  why  electric  light  has  not 
been  more  largely  adopted,"  states  the  surveyor  of  English  prisons, 
Major  Rodgers,  "are  that  in  existing  prisons  there  was  a  ready-made 
gas  service,  and  also  that  the  cost  of  electricity  compared  to  gas  has 
invariably  worked  out  higher.  Now  that  metallic  filament  lamps  are 
on  the  market  the  price  of  the  light  may  be  such  as  to  allow  of  its 
successful  competition  with  gas." 

The  English  prisoners  finds  that  a  temperature  of  about  60  degrees 
Fahrenheit  is  maintained  in  the  cells  in  winter.  The  ventilation  in 
the  older  cells  is  by  forced  draught  through  high  chimneys.  New 
prisons  are  introducing  hot  water  heating,  and  ventilation  through 
mechanical  means  as  well  as  by  the  sliding  panes  in  the  windows,  as 
above  referred  to. 

If  the  prisoner  is  sent  to  an  older  prison,  that  edifice  is  probably 
on  the  radial  plan,  that  is,  consisting  of  cellblocks  built  from  a  central 
building  or  rotunda;  the  newer  prisons,  like  Wormwood  Scrubbs, 
are  built  upon  the  separate  cellblock  plan.  The  newest  prison,  as 
above  mentioned,  at  Camp  Hill  approaches  the  cottage.  The  local 
prisons  have  from  100  to  1,400  cells.  Until  the  Camp  Hill  prison 
was  undertaken,  the  latest  entirely  new  prisons  built  in  England  were 
two  local  prisons  in  the  8o's  of  the  iQth  century.  In  the  new  Camp  Hill 
prison  it  is  estimated  that  the  cost  of  prison  construction,  through  the 
employment  of  prison  labor  at  making  and  laying  concrete  blocks, 
may  be  reduced  about  40  to  60  per  cent.  "As  the  prisoners  can  do 
all  the  work,  from  mixing  the  concrete  and  casting  the  blocks,  the 
placing  them  in  the  wall,"  states  Major  Rodgers,  "the  cost  of  the 
walling  is  that  of  the  cement  and  aggregate  only,  and  as  the  latter  is 
frequently  found  on  the  estate  its  cost  (bar  possibly  running  a  crusher) 
is  eliminated.  Moreover,  the  use  of  large  blocks  of  uniform  sizes 
goes  far  toward  remedying  the  most  aggravating  factor  in  prison  work, 
namely,  slowness,  for  the  speed  with  which  concrete  block  walls 
rise  when  compared  with  brick  and  especially  with  stone  is  con- 
siderable." 


DISCHARGED  PRISONERS.  163 

The  prisoner's  dietary  is  far  less  than  the  customary  diet  in 
the  United  States. 

Grade  A,  for  first  week. 

Breakfast:  bread,  8  oz.,  gruel,  I  pint. 

Dinner:  varies  between  bread,  8  oz.,  and  porridge,  one  pint;  bread, 

8  oz.,  and  potatoes,  8  oz.;  and  bread,  8.,  oz  and  suet  pudding,  8  oz. 
Supper:  bread,  8  oz.,  and  gruel,  I  pint. 

After  the  first  week,  the  prisoner  receives  Grade  B  diet,  which 
adds  to  the  dinner  on  Sunday  and  Thursday  4  oz.  of  cooked  meat, 
and  on  other  days  soup  or  beans  or  potatoes.  Those  imprisoned 
beyond  four  months  receive  a  more  abundant  diet. 

A  further  classification  occurs  in  regard  to  first  offenders,  who 
are  placed  in  the  star  class,  and  removed  from  the  more  frequent 
offenders.  Each  prisoner  has  a  cell  to  himself.  A  strict  prison  rule 
provides  that  two  prisoners  shall  not  at  any  time  be  confined  in  the 
same  cell,  and  that  if  ever  the  crowded  condition  of  the  prison  re- 
quires it,  three  or  more  prisoners  must  occupy  the  same  cell.  In  no 
prison  on  the  continent  or  in  England  or  Scotland  did  I  see  more 
than  one  prisoner  in  a  cell. 

Turning  to  the  problem  of  the  discharged  prisoner,  let  us  note  that 
in  the  case  of  the  men  discharged  from  local  and  from  convict  prisons 
there  is  no  parole,  such  as  the  Prison  Association  of  New  York 
administers  in  the  case  of  reformatory  and  state  prison  released  men. 
For  many  years  a  number  of  societies  have  aided  discharged  prison- 
ers, but  only  as  these  men  have  been  willing  to  apply  to  the  societies 
for  aid.  The  number  helped  has  been  remarkably  large,  for  there 
were  during  the  year  1907-1908,  44,561.  That  the  aid  extended  was 
in  many  instances  but  temporary  and  inadequate,  there  is  little  doubt, 
and  with  the  increasing  concern  felt  by  the  prison  commission  in 
the  problem  of  the  released  prisoner,  it  was  natural  that  in  the  year 
1910-1911  an  organization,  called  the  central  association  for  the  aid 
of  discharged  convicts,  should  have  been  established.  The  latest 
report  of  the  prison  commissioners  speaks  of  the  society  thus: 

"The  present  system  of  aiding  and  controlling  discharged  convicts  has 

proved  in  various  ways  inadequate  and  defective.     The  state  has  hitherto 

made  no  special  provision  for  the  purpose.    A  number 

Discharged        of  philanthropic  societies,  working  independently  of  each 

Prisoners.          other,  with  no  effective  authority  over  the  convict,  have 

for  many  years  done  their  best  to  fulfill  the  important 

function  of  after-care.  The  state  has  been  content  to  hand  over  to  these  bodies 
the  gratuity  which  a  convict  can  earn  under  the  progressive  stage  system,  and 
has  trusted  that  this  gratuity,  judiciously  handled  by  the  society  to  which  the 
convict  went  on  discharge,  would  furnish  the  funds  and  the  leverage  to  help  a 
prisoner  to  make  a  fresh  start.  The  societies  have  received  from  the  Govern- 
ment nothing  beyond  this  gratuity  in  cash,  and  there  has  been  no  cooperation 
between  them  and  the  official  authority  for  any  general  plan  of  relief  of  dis- 
:harged  prisoners.  The  societies  in  many  cases  have  been  able  to  do  no  more 


164  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

than  pay  out  the  gratuity,  either  in  bulk  or  by  instalments.  The  natural 
desire  of  the  convict  has  been  to  get  the  whole  of  the  money  which  he  considers 
he  has  earned  as  soon  as  possible,  and  free  himself  from  a  form  of  control 
additional  to  the  police  supervision  prescribed  by  law.  The  amount  of  the 
gratuities  themselves  has  been  considerably  reduced.  In  old  days,  when  sen- 
tences were  much  longer  than  at  present,  larger  gratuities  were  earned,  and 
this  provision  may  then  have  been  more  nearly  adequate;  but  the  reduction  in 
1891  of  the  minimum  period  of  penal  servitude  to  three  years  has  greatly  affected 
the  amount  of  gratuity  earnable.  The  maximum  gratuity  which  the  law  allows 
is  £6;  but  this  takes  six  years  to  earn,  and  half  the  sentences  are  for  three  years 
only,  in  which  period  a  gratuity  of  only  aos.  on  the  average  is  earnable. 

"  It  is  obvious  that  the  power  of  the  societies  to  influence  the  prisoner  for  his 
good  has  stood  upon  a  very  weak  foundation,  and  any  success  which  they  have 
achieved  in  humane  endeavor  has  been  due  to  personal  service  and  enthusiasm 
unsupported  by  extraneous  power. 

"On  the  other  hand,  in  complete  detachment  from  this  body  of  philanthropic 
effort,  there  has  existed  the  strong  control  and  supervision  of  the  police  in  what 
is  commonly  called  the  'ticket-of-leave'  system.  The  police  have  discharged 
their  duties  as  well  as  they  possibly  can,  and  have  done  their  best  not  to  hamper 
any  discharged  prisoner  in  his  efforts  to  find  employment  or  to  rehabilitate 
himself.  But  a  system  which  maintains  a  complete  divorce  between  philan- 
thropic service  and  authoritative  state  control  must  be  regarded  as  imperfect. 

"When,  in  the  early  part  of 'last  year,  the  secretary  of  state  drew  the  atten- 
tion of  the  directors  of  convict  prisons  to  the  very  large  proportion  of  convicts 
who  failed  to  regain  their  position  in  the  world  of  labor,  and  returned 
time  after  time  to  crime  and  punishment,  and  asked  that  proposals  should  be 
made  with  the  object  of  reducing  this  recidivism,  the  directors  proposed  that 
a  central  agency  for  the  aid  of  prisoners  on  discharge  should  be  instituted. 
The  essence  of  the  new  reform  is  the  combination  in  one  hand,  and  under  one 
directing  authority,  of  all  the  influences,  whether  of  force  or  friendship,  which 
can  be  used  to  guide  and  aid  the  prisoner  on  discharge.  The  directors  pro- 
posed that  all  the  agencies  at  present  engaged  in  this  sphere  of  philanthropic 
endeavor  should  be  coordinated  to  each  other  and  to  a  central  body;  that  this 
central  body  should  be  supported  by  a  contribution  from  the  state  and  clothed 
with  the  necessary  authority.  By  this  means  earnest  personal  effort  would  not 
in  the  last  resort  be  unsupported  by  power,  nor  would  the  supervision  which 
the  law  requires  be  forced  to  operate  independently  of  the  agencies  of  moral 
and  religious  endeavor. 

"Negotiations  which  the  directors  were  authorized  by  the  secretary  of  state 
to  enter  into  with  all  the  societies  concerned  have  now  been  brought  to  a  suc- 
cessful conclusion.  A  new  association  has  been  formed  called  the  'central 
association  for  the  aid  of  discharged  convicts.'  This  body  will  combine  for 
the  common  purpose  of  aiding  prisoners  on  discharge  from  penal  servitude  all 
or  nearly  all  those  societies  which  have  hitherto  been  operating  independently 
at  convict  prisons.  The  following  societies  have  already  agreed  to  cooperate 
with  the  official  authority  in  forming  the  general  council  of  the  association: 
the  Royal  Society  for  the  Aid  of  Discharged  Prisoners,  the  Church  Army  Dis- 
charged Prisoners'  Aid  Society,  the  Salvation  Army  Discharged  Prisoners'  Aid 
Society,  the  Catholic  Discharged  Prisoners'  Aid  Society,  the  United  Syna- 
gogue Discharged  Prisoners'  Aid  Society,  and  the  Borstal  Association. 


Convict  Prison.  'Peterhead.    Scotland 


'If    \ 


One  "  Cottage."    Preventive  Detention     Prison.   Camp   Hill.   England 


DISCHARGED  PRISONERS.  165 

"From  the  ist  April  next  persons  discharged  from  penal  servitude  will  come 
under  the  cognizance  and  control  of  the  central  body.  Representatives  of  the 
different  societies  will  be  admitted  to  the  convict  prisons  if  they  so  desire,  and 
this  will  enable  them  to  divide  the  ground  up  fairly  as  between  the  different 
agencies,  and  to  make  a  special  study  of  each  individual  case  which  will  be 
assigned  to  their  care  in  ample  time  to  deal  with  it  on  the  release  of  the  prisoner. 
On  discharge  from  prison  the  convict  will  keep  in  touch  with  the  society  to 
which  he  belongs,  and  it  is  proposed,  except  in  unsuitable  cases,  to  make  arrange- 
ments which  will  suspend  altogether  the  supervision  of  the  police  as  prescribed 
by  the  prevention  of  crimes  act,  1871,  so  long  as  the  convict  keeps  straight  and 
obeys  the  conditions  imposed  upon  him  by  the  central  association,  working 
through  the  particular  society.  If  he  afterwards  misbehaves,  or  in  the  opinion 
of  the  authorities  charged  with  his  care  is  not  sincere  in  his  efforts  to  abstain 
from  criminal  courses,  he  may  be  returned  to  police  control  under  the  full 
strictness  of  the  present  arrangements.  But  so  long  as  he  honestly  endeavors 
to  regain  his  position  under  the  guidance  and  with  the  aid  of  those  who  have 
no  other  thought  but  to  work  for  his  welfare,  he  will  be  entirely  freed  from  direct 
contact  with  the  police  or  from  anything  likely  to  obtrude  his  past  upon  the 
notice  of  his  neighbors  or  employers.  The  funds  of  the  various  associations 
and  portions  of  the  government  grant  will  as  heretofore  be  available  for  the 
purposes  of  maintenance  and  aid. 

"The  Association  will  furnish  periodical  reports  as  to  the  success,  or  other- 
wise, of  this  new  departure.  Experience  up-to-date  justifies  us  in  taking  a 
hopeful  view  as  to  what  may  be  effected  by  well-organized  machinery  acting 
under  central  direction  in  the  way  of  rehabilitation,  even  where  bad  antece- 
dents and  a  long  record  of  crime  would  seem  to  discourage,  if  not  to  render 
useless,  any  effort,  however  earnest  and  well-directed. 

"There  has  been  considerable  discussion  during  the  year  whether  it  might 
not  be  desirable  to  create  an  analogous  confederation  of  all  discharged  prisoners' 
aid  societies  operating  in  local  prispns.  Our  chairman  has  presented  a  scheme 
for  the  consideration  of  the  central  committee  of  discharged  prisoners'  aid 
societies  with  this  object.  It  is  not  proposed  that  there  should  be  a  further 
subvention  from  public  funds  than  at  present,  but  a  change  in  the  method  of 
distribution,  involving  the  abolition  of  the  gratuity  system.  Opinion  varies 
as  to  the  value  of  the  gratuity  system  in  local  prisons.  Our  chaplain-inspector 
who  has  had  a  large  experience  is  in  favor  of  abolition.  At  the  present  stage 
we  are  not  in  a  position  to  approach  the  secretary  of  state  on  the  subject,  but 
whither  there  be  any  change  in  the  financial  arrangements  or  not,  it  is  most 
desirable  that  there  should  be  a  greater  cohesion  than  at  present  among  all 
those  different  societies  operating  at  different  prisons,  and  often  employing 
different  methods.  It  will  be  desirable  also  to  introduce  a  system  of  periodical 
conferences,  gradually  reaching  a  greater  sdiJantt'  among  all  those  engaged 
in  this  work,  and  with  that  a  greater  facility  of  communication,  resulting  in 
mutual  sympathy  and  aid.  If  it  should  be  possible  to  arrive  at  any  common 
agreement  as  to  the  best  methods  to  pursue,  the  secretary  of  state  will  be  duly 
informed." 

Let  us  turn  finally  for  a  moment  to  the  state  inebriate  reformatories. 
The  treatment  of  drunkenness  is  in  New  York  one  of  our  crucial 
problems,  and  our  proposed  colony  for  inebriates  is  to  be  an  expensive 
institution,  at  least  in  its  establishment.  What  can  England  tell  us 


i66  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

as  to  the  reformation  of  inebriates  who  have  been  committed  by 
courts  to  the  state  inebriate  reformatories,  of  which  there  are  two  ? 

Since    1898   fifteen  inebriate   reformatories  have  been  established 

of  which  only  two  (Aylesbury  and  Warwick)  are  state  institutions. 

Three   of  the   reformatories   were   shortly   aban- 

Inebriety.         doned,  and  now  twelve  are  in  regular  work.     The 

total  accommodation  for  inmates  is   196  beds  for 

males  and  1,121  for  females.     The  total  commitments  of  males  from 

1898  to  1908  inclusive  were:   Males,  484;  females,  2,548;  Total,  3,032. 

Commitments  are  under  two  sections  of  the  inebriates  act.  Under 
section  one  may  be  committed  as  habitual  drunkard  one  who  is  con- 
victed on  indictment  of  an  offense  punishable  with  imprisonment  or 
penal  servitude.  In  10  years  only  443  persons  were  thus  committed. 
Under  section  two  the  number  committed  in  ten  years  was  2,589, 
"ridiculously  small"  says  the  official  report  of  Dr.  Branthwaite,  in- 
spector under  the  inebriates  act,  "in  comparison  with  what  it  might 
and  should  have  been.  This  is  mainly  due  to  a  controversy  over 
the  maintenance  question." 

The  mental  conditions  of  those  committed  have  been  carefully 
studied  with  the  resulting  classification  as  follows: 

1.  Insane — persons  who  since  admission  to  reformatories  have  been 

certified  and  sent  to  asylums 63 

2.  Very  defective  —  persons  who,  after  admission  to  reformatories, 

are  found  to  be  more  or  less  congenitally  imbecile,  or  degen- 
erate or  epileptic 377 

3.  Defective  —  persons  who  are  eccentric,  silly,  dull,  senile,  or  sub- 

ject to  periodical  paroxysms  of  ungovernable  temper 1*487 

4.  Of  average  mental  capacity  —  on  admission  or  after  six  months 

detention 1,105 


Total  admissions 


In  short,  the  insane  and  very  defective  were  approximately  fifteen 
per  cent  of  the  commitments,  the  defective  fifty  per  cent,  and  those 
of  average  mental  capacity  35  per  cent. 

Quoting  from  Dr.  Branthwaite's  report  to  the  international  prison 

congress  of  1910,  we  find  that  "the  promoters  of  the  inebriates'  act 

of  1898  had  two  purposes  in  mind  —  reform  when 

Can  possible,  and  when  this  should  prove  impossible, 

Inebriates         detention    of  'irreformables'    for   the    benefit   of 

be  the  community.     ...     It  has  been  found  that 

Reformed?        the  majority  of  persons  included  in  groups  i,  2 

and  3  of  the  above  classification  are  more  or  less 

unable  to  exercise  the  will  power  which  is  necessary  to  enable  a 

victim  to  throw  off  his  fetters  —  a  struggle  which  in  some  cases  has 

to  be  sustained  through  a  long  life  in  order  to  maintain  sobriety  when 

it  has  been  attained.     From  10  to  15  per  cent  of  class  3  recover  a 

fair  amount  of  mental  stability  after  long  continued  detention  and 


DISCHARGED  PRISONERS.       i  167 

treatment.  But  with  the  exception  of  this  10  or  15  per  cent,  all 
persons  in  these  three  classes  are  too  mentally  impaired  to  appre- 
ciate that  they  are  inebriates  or  that  there  is  any  necessity  for  amend- 
ment. So  our  probability  of  producing  good  results  has  been  limited 
to  inmates  in  class  4  —  those  of  average  mental  capacity  —  in  addition 
to  the  10  or  15  per  cent  of  class  3  above  referred  to.  This  estimate, 
based  on  scientific  ground,  has  been  amply  confirmed  by  practical 
experience  during  the  last  ten  years,  efforts  to  reform  the  mentally 
defective  have  proved  valueless,  and  all  the  persons  who  have  done 
well  have  been  those  gifted  with  the  possessjon  of  a  fairly  well-bal- 
anced mind.  Only  about  forty  per  cent  of  all  cases  sent  to  reform- 
atories have  been  possibly  reformable,  and  of  this  number  about 
half  have  done  reasonably  well.  .  .  .  From  a  reform  standpoint, 
therefore,  the  experiment  has  been  successful,  not  so  much  in  the 
actual  number  of  reformations  that  have  been  produced,  as  in  demon- 
strating the  possibility  of  reform  even  in  bad  cases,  and  the  certainty 
of  being  able  to  produce  a  large  number  of  good  results  under  more 
favorable  conditions. 

"Considered  from  the  second  standpoint  —  the  benefit  to  the  com- 
munity resulting  from  the  segregation  of  irreformable  inebriates  — 
there  is  no  doubt  as  to  the  success  of  the  act.  Our  ten  years'  ex- 
perience has  taught  us  the  advantage  of  removing  such  persons  from 
the  streets,  the  peace  resulting  from  this  action,  and  the  safety  to 
the  public.  The  public  has  a  right  to  claim  protection  from  the  un- 
pleasant effects  of  inebriates  that  have  their  freedom,  and  detention 
is  therefore  justifiable,  apart  from  any  question  of  reformation.  A 
recent  official  inquiry  into  the  working  of  the  acts  in  England  has  been 
held  with  a  view  of  deciding  whether  or  not  they  have  served  their 
purpose.  The  verdict  is  a  favorable  one;  the  departmental  commit- 
tee has  recommended  amendment  of  the  acts  to  enable  not  only  con- 
tinuance but  also  extension  of  the  work." 


The  space  limits  of  my  report  make  further  consideration  at  this 
time  of  the  English  prison  system  impossible.  I  have  tried  to  out- 
line some  of  the  principal  features;  the  American  penologist  may 
judge  from  the  citations  given  above  as  to  what  extent  we  may  learn 
from  our  English  cousins,  and  to  what  extent  we  have  been  fortunate 
in  forging  ahead.  Yet  that  has  not  been  the  purpose  of  these  chapters. 
Neither  England  nor  the  United  States  has  uttered  the  last  word  in 
the  domain  of  penology.  So  long  as  our  jail  system  exists  we  must 
hang  our  heads  in  shame  whenever  we  undergo  the  inspection  of 
foreign  visitors  —  or  our  own.  So  long  as  English  prisons  continue 
mainly  prisons  and  make  little  progress  toward  the  general  adoption 
of  reformatory  prisons  and  the  modern  facilities  so  generally  recog- 
nized in  the  United  States  as  a  fundamental  part  of  prison  admin- 
istration and  prisoners'  rehabilitation,  we  Americans  will  continue  to 
to  feel,  probably,  that  we  have  in  some  respects  worked  out  more 
successfully  some  advanced  ideas  in  prison  science. 


THE  BORSTAL  SYSTEM 

BORSTAL  is  the  English  Elmira.     Elmira  reformatory  was  opened 
in  1 876,  and  its  administration  was  modelled  largely  on  the  classi- 
ficationsystemthenexistingin  English  and  Irish  prisons.     Borstal 
in  England  was  established  after  gradual  experiments  since  1902,  and 
was  certainly  largely  influenced  by  American  reformatory  methods, 
although  some  recent  English  and  continental  writers  on  the  Borstal 
system  largely  ignore  the  fact.         fc 

Borstal  is  not  so  much  a  separate  institution  as  a  system.     Borstal 

as  a  location  is  the  village  of  Borstal,  on  the  hills  above  Rochester 

in  the  southeast  of  England,  near  the  sea.     Bor- 

What  Borstal      stal  as  a  system  is  found  at  the  Borstal  institu- 

Is.  tions  of  Borstal,  in  Feltham  (in  the  valley  of  the 

Thames),  in  Aylesbury  (for  girls),  and  in  a  wing 

of  Canterbury  prison  (for  unsatisfactory  cases). 

The  Borstal  system  is  the  last  word  in  England  in  the  treatment 
of  young  convicted  persons  between  16  and  23  years  of  age.  There 
is  also  a  "modified  Borstal"  treatment,  maintained  in  local  prisons 
for  young  persons  called  "juvenile  adults,"  who  receive  thus  a  semi- 
reformatory  course  of  physical  and  industrial  education  that  inci- 
dentally is  quite  superior  to  the  attention  paid  in  American  local  or 
county  or  even  in  many  state  prisons  to  young  prisoners,  in  distinc- 
tion to  older  prisoners. 

In  1908  the  prevention  of  crimes  act  was  passed,  several  clauses 
of  which  dealt  with  the  reformation  of  young  offenders,  as  follows: 

"l.  Where  a  person  is  convicted  on  indictment  for  an  offence  for 
which  he  is  liable  to  be  sent  to  penal  servitude,  or  imprisonment,  and  it 
appears  to  the  court  (a)  that  the  person  is  not  less  than  16  not  more 
than  21  years  of  age,  and  (b)  that,  by  reason  of  his  criminal  habits  or 
tendencies,  or  association  with  persons  of  bad  character,  it  is  expedient 
that  he  should  be  subject  to  detention  for  such  a  term  and  under  such 
instruction  and  discipline  as  appears  most  conductive  to  his  reformation 
and  the  repression  of  crime,itshallbelawfulforthecourt,inlieuof  passing 
a  sentence  of  penal  servitude  or  imprisonment,  to  pass  a  sentence  of 
detention  under  penal  discipline  in  a  Borstal  institution  for  a  term  of 
not  less  than  I  year,  and  not  more  than  3  years,  and  for  the  purpose 
of  tbis  act,  the  secretary  of  state  may  establish  Borstal  institutions,  that 
is  to  say,  places  where  young  offenders  may  be  given,  while  under 
detention,  industrial  training  and  instruction." 

This  act  also  gives  power  to  the  prison  commissioners  to  discharge  on  license 
such  offenders  as  they  think  fitted  for  conditional  liberty;  but  no  license  can 
be  granted  till  the  offender  has  served  at  least  6  months  of  his  sentence,  every 
offender,  whether  released  on  "license"  or  serving  his  complete  sentence,  re- 

168 


Ordinary  Cell,  Borstal  Institution,  Borstal,  England 


Type  of  Cell  Block,     with  Outside  Cells.  Borstal.  England 


WHAT  BORSTAL  Is. 


169 


mainin<i  after  Im  discharge  under  the  supervision  of  the  prison  commissioners 

for  6  month*.;  but  the  commissioners  may  release  him  from  such  supervision. 

Another  part  of  this  act  provides  that  young  offenders  sentenced  to  Borstal 

;u  in  must  be  of  good  physical  and  mental  health,  and  further  provides 

that  young  men  up  to  the  age  of  23  may  now  be  admitted  to  Borstal  treatment. 

Let  us  analyze  the  Borstal  system,  drawing  a  parallel  column  with 
the  Elmira  system.     The  principal  features  are  the  following. 

COMPARATIVE  TABLE. 
Elmira  (U.  S.  A.)  and  Borstal  (England). 


ELMIRA. 

Ages,  16-30. 

Sentence.  Indeterminate,  averaging 
about  15  months,  but  not  to  exceed 
the  maximum  that  could  be  imposed 
by  law,  were  a  definite  sentence  to 
be  imposed. 

Class  of  offenders.     Felons. 

Classification.  Three  grades,  pro- 
motion to  be  gained  by  inmates. 

Privileges.     First  grade. 
Special  table. 
Iktter  food. 
Inmate   officers   chosen   from    this 

grade. 

More  freedom  of  conversation. 
Designation  on  uniform. 

I  supervision. 
Etc. 

Punishments. 

Reduction  to  third  grade. 
If  incorrigible,  transferred  to  state 
prison. 

Industries.     Varied  and  educational. 

Farming. 

Promotion.  In  not  less  than  six 
months  after  entrance. 

Parole.  Gained  by  inmate  through 
marks —  in  not  less  than  one  year. 

Parole  Board.     Board  of  managers. 

Organization  to  whom  paroled.  In 
New  York  City,  Prison  Association. 

Period  of  Parole.  Six  months  mini- 
mum; maximum,  the  maximum 
sentence. 

Power  to  Return  Delinquent?     Yes. 


BORSTAL. 

Ages,  16-23. 

Sentence.  Not  less  than  one  year  nor 
more  than  three. 

Class  of  offenders.  Felons  and  misde- 
meanants. 

Classification.  Three  grades,  pro- 
motion to  be  gained  by  inmate. 

Privileges.     Special  grade. 
Special  dress. 
Better  diet. 
Works    without    supervision,    even 

outside  walls. 
Evening  recreation  in  gymnasium  or 

library. 

Saturdays,  football  or  cricket. 
Etc. 

Punishments. 

Re'duction  to  penal  grade. 
If  incorrigible,  sent  to  Canterbury 
prison. 

Industries.     Varied  and  educational. 

Farming. 

Promotion.  In  not  less  than  six 
months  after  entrance. 

License.  May  be  gained  by  inmate 
at  any  time  after  six  months  on 
vote  of  special  board. 

Institution  Board.  Consisting  of  gov- 
ernor, deputy  governor,  chaplain, 
medical  officer  and  chief  warder. 

Organiiation  to  whom  paroled.  Bor- 
stal Association,  London. 

Period  of  Parole.  Until  maximum 
sentence  —  and  then  six  months 
if  necessary. 

Power  to  return  Delinquent?     Yes. 


170  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

The  above  is  but  a  partial  list  of  similar  or  somewhat  differing 
regulations.  To  the  American  penologist,  the  Borstal  system  is 
interesting  not  because  it  is  a  novelty,  for  it  is  not,  but  because  of 
the  divergent  lines  upon  which  it  has  developed  from  those  of 
Elmira. 

The  day's  work  is  arranged  to  prepare  lads  for  a  full  day's  work 
on  their  release,  and  is  as  follows: 

5.30.     Milk  and  a  biscuit.     The  lad  makes  his  bed  and  cleans  his  cell. 

6.10.     Gymnastics  or  drill. 

7.00.     Breakfast,   consisting  of  porridge,   bread   and   margarine.     (Lads  in 

the  special  grade  have  the  addition  of  tea  or  coffee.) 

7.40.     Work  in  the  open  or  in  workshops.     The  working  parties  consist  of 
to        blacksmiths,  bricklayers,  carpenders,  farm  hands,  gardeners,  laborers, 
11.45.     painters,  bakers,  bootmakers,  cleaners,  cooks,  laundrymen  and  tailors. 
Farm  hands  learn  milking,   care  of  farm  stock,  hedging,  ditching, 
thatching  and  ploughing. 
11.45.     General  parade. 

12.00.     Dinner,  consisting  of  bread,  potatoes,  meat  or  soup  or  suet  pudding, 
i.oo  to  5.30.     Work  as  above. 

5.30.     Tea,  consisting  of  bread,  cocoa,  milk  and  cheese. 
6.10.     Chapel,  with  short  addresses  by  the  officers  in  turn  or  by  visitors. 

Opportunity  is  taken  to  read  out  letters  from  old  boys. 
6.30.     Those  who  have  not  reached  the  special  grade  attend  evening  classes 

or  read  in  their  cells  until  8. 
8.30.     Lights  out. 

Let  us  now  note  some  of  the  differences.  Elmira  receives  felons 
only;  Borstal  both  felons  and  misdemeanants.  (Apropos  of  this 
fact,  I  call  attention  to  unsuccessful  efforts  during 
Differences.  many  recent  years  in  New  York  to  secure  a  state 
reformatory  for  misdemeanants.)  Elmira  receives 
men  between  the  ages  of  16  and  30  years;  Borstal  is  limited 
fortunately  to  the  reception  of  males  between  16  and  23  years  old. 
Elmira,  originally  planned  to  be  a  relatively  small  institution,  now 
has  not  infrequently  a  population  of  1500.  Borstal  had  a  popula- 
tion last  summer  of  approximately  400.  Elmira's  population  is 
heterogeneous;  Borstal's  homogeneous.  Elmira's  population  is 
housed  in  several  great  cellblocks.  Borstal  is  lodging  its  men  in 
four  small  cellhouses  for  100  inmates  each.  Elmira  has  the  inside 
cellblock  system.  Borstal  has  the  outside  cellroom  system.  Elmira  is 
mainly  industrial.  Borstal  is  to  a  considerable  extent  agricultural. 

This  comparison  is  not  intended  to  be  derogatory  to  the  Elmira 
reformatory.  In  my  opinion  it  is  but  natural  that  a  very  recent  in- 
stitution like  Borstal  should  avoid  certain  conditions  now  inevitable 
at  Elmira,  such  as  a  great  congregate  population,  great  cellblocks  and 
a  subordinating  of  the  farm  and  extramural  work  to  industrial  work. 

In  one  further  respect  does  Borstal  differ  from  Elmira.  The 
American  reformatory  receives  all  males  between  16  and  30  years  of 
age  whom  the  judges  commit  to  Elmira  as  felons  without  a  previous 


WHAT  BORSTAL  Is.  171 

conviction  for  felony.  But  from  the  English  reformatory  (called 
Borstal  institution  to  distinguish  it  from  the  English  "reforma- 
tories," our  juvenile  reform  schools)  are  debarred  certain  classes  of 
young  fellows,  those  who  are  first  offenders  and  therefore  should  not 
be  thrown  in  with  more  hardened  offenders,  and  those  who  are  physic- 
ally unable  to  undergo  the  steady  and  strenuous  life  of  the  Borstal 
system. 

Two  important  points  are  here  emphasized.  We  Americans  strive 
to  erect  reformatories  for  first  offenders,  to  keep  them  out  of  jails, 
the  plague  spots  of  our  American  prison  system.  The  English  law 
works  to  force  the  first  offender  (juvenile  adult)  into  jail  (i.  e.,  a  local 
prison)  because  the  English  local  prison  is  a  decent  institution,  and 
because  within  each  local  prison  the  J.  A.'s  (juvenile  adults)  receive 
a  special  treatment  modelled  on  the  Borstal  plan,  as  will  be  described 
elsewhere.  For  misdemeanants  short-sentenced  to  a  local  prison  for 
a  few  weeks  the  modified  Borstal  system  appears  helpful  —  and  the 
entire  segregation  of  youths  from  older  offenders  is  a  blessing. 

But  in  barring  from  the  benefits  of  the  Borstal  institution  the  physic- 
ally unfit  offender,  I  believe  the  law  has  perhaps  not  been  wise. 
Certainly  we  Americans  are  coming  to  believe  that  about  the  first 
step  in  the  reformation  of  delinquents  is  to  get  them  into  good  physical 
condition.  This  belief  found  expression  among  English  penologists 
whom  I  met  last  summer.  Probably  Borstal  institutions  will  become 
soon  makers  of  strong  bodies  out  of  weak  bodies  also. 

I  visited  Borstal  on  Monday,  August  14.  Borstal  is  situated  about 
forty  miles  southeast  of  London,  and  about  three  miles  from  Rochester, 
on  a  hill  from  which  the  view  sweeps  the  country  for  miles.  A 
quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  institution  is  old  Fort  Borstal,  which 
temporarily  was  being  used  as  a  prison.  Borstal  itself  was  once  a 
convict  prison. 

The  institution  is  walled,  and  the  enclosure  is  rather  limited. 
Obviously  this  is  one  way  of  preventing  too  many  buildings  from  going 
up,  for  the  yard  is  already  fairly  full.  The  main  impressions  the 
American  visitor  receives  are  that  a  useful,  economical  and  rather 
plain  set  of  buildings  in  uniform  style  are  being  erected,  and  that 
there  is  an  air  of  business-like  activity  about  the  inmates,  though 
without  the  rather  nonchalant  or  jovial  and  often  precocious  air 
frequently  noted  in  American  reformatories.  I  am  tempted  to  desig- 
nate the  Borstal  spirit  as  sober  or  even  sombre,  in  comparison  with 
the  markedly  resilient  spirit  of  Elmira.  Yet  again  this  must  not  be 
regarded  as  necessarily  a  criticism,  for  by  their  fruits  shall  prisons  be 
known,  and  we  are  yet  to  study  the  results  of  the  Borstal  system. 

Skilled  workmen  act  as  instructors  to  the  boys,  who  show  marked 
interest  in  the  trades.  Some  of  the  occupations  are 

bricklaying,  plastering,  glazing,  painting,  carpentering,  filling,  black- 
smithing,  tinsmithing,  shoemaking,  fanning  in  its  various  branches, 
including  the  care  and  breeding  of  stock,  milking,  ploughing  and  garden- 
ing; also  in  the  service  of  the  prison,  which  comprises  cooking,  cleaning, 
washing,  mending  and  knitting. 


172  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

The  educational  and  industrial  activities  meeting  the  eye  of  the 
American  visitor  remind  him  strongly  of  our  own  reformatory 
methods.  There  are  parade  and  gymnasium,  chapel  service  and 
classes,  games  and  sports  —  days  full  of  varied  and  useful  activities. 

While  the  first  buildings  in  the  reorganization  of  Borstal  were 
built  by  contract  labor,  as  for  instance  a  block  containing  100  cells, 
a  bathhouse  and  a  gymnasium,  later  buildings  were  built  by  the  boys. 
"There  is  very  little  of  the  old  Borstal  of  convict  days  left  now," 
states  the  governor's  report  for  1911.  "All  the  old  cellblocks,  except 
one  half  of  one  of  them,  have  been  pulled  down  and  three  large 
halls,  each  holding  one  hundred  lads,  put  in  their  places.  The 
fourth  and  last  is  just  being  started,  and  by  this  time  next  year  will, 
I  hope,  be  occupied.  It  is  being  built  on  a  different  plan,  there  being 
classrooms  and  dining-rooms  below,  and  dormitories  above.  It  is 
meant  for  the  special  grade  only." 

Two  important  questions  remain  to  be  answered,  (i)  What  does 
Borstal  cost  ?  (2)  What  are  the  reformatory  results  of  Borstal  ? 

I  append  the  statement  of  the  governor  as  to  the  employment  of 
inmates  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  March  31,  1911.  To  gain  the 
equivalent  in  American  money  multiply  the  pound  by  $4. 86  J.  In  the 
estimate  of  the  value  of  inmates'  labor  as  $38,141.60,  we  find  the 
following: 

Average  grand  total  working 346 

Of  whom 

In    manufactures 46 

On  farms 42 

In  buildings 168 

In  service 80 

Non-effective 10 

The  average  per  diem  earnings  in  each  branch  are  as  follows: 

In  manufacturers $.  159 

On  farms 207 

In  buildings 402 

In  service 260 

Turning  now  to  the  cost  of  the  Borstal  institution  at  Borstal  for 
the  fiscal  year  1910-1911,  we  find  the  following  statement: 

Pay  and  allowance  of  officers,  including  uniforms,  etc.,  and          £  s  d 

fine  fund 7760  9  o 

Maintenance: 

Victualling 2821  13  10 

Medicines,  etc 41  *6  2 

Lighting,  water,  etc 908  I  I 

Clothing,  bedding  furniture 1555  3  3 

I3°87       3       4 
or  $63,682.15 


Borstal  Institution,  Borstal.  England. 


Carpentry,  Borstal  Institution.  Borstal.  England. 


WHAT  BORSTAL  Is 

Per  capita  per  diem  cost g  50* 

Per  capita  annual  cost 184.05 


'73 


I  do  not  find  that  the  earnings  of  the  boys  arc  more  than  "imputed" 
earnings.  That  is,  the  institution  profits  to  the  extent  of  the  indus- 
tnousness  of  the  inmates  in  the  several  branches,  but  the  per.  capita 
per  annum  cost  seems  to  be  $  184,  including  the  boys'  labor.  In- 
deed, the  report  of  the  prison  commissioners  for  1910-1911  (vol.  i, 
page  89,  footnote)  states  that  "as  the  work  on  which  prisoners  are 
employed  is  principally  for  the  government,  only  a  small  portion  of 
the  amount  is  actually  received  in  cash." 

For  the  Borstal  institutions  (Borstal  and  Feltham)  the  expenses  for 
the  year  were  as  follows: 

Staff..  $51,165.52 

Maintenance 35»493  •  45 

( >tlur  expenses  exclusive  of  cost  of  new  buildings,  etc 14,666.00 


Total  for  year $101,324. 97 

Annual  charge  per  prisoner 253 . 3 1 


Deduct  value  of  labor  (measured),  exclusive  of  employment  in 

:  vice  of  prison ^35«9^7  •  5° 

Deduct  incidental  receipts 157 .60 


$36,125.10 

Net  cost  (after  deduction). .  ..5 $65,200  oo 

Net  annual  charge  per  prisoner '62.75 

The  net  per  capita  annual  cost  for  1910-1911  in  the  local  prisons, 
after  deducting  the  estimated  or  imputed  value  of  labor,  was  $90.18, 
as  compared  with  5162.75  in  the  Borstal  institutions. 

idently  England  is  ready  to  expend  considerable  sums  on  the 
maintenance  of  Borstal  institutions,  approximating  the  net  cost  per 
inmate  at  Elmira  reformatory.  Considering  the  greater  purchasing 
power  of  the  equivalent  amount  of  English  money,  England  is  liberal 
indeed  in  its  Borstal  experiments. 

What  are  the  results  of  the   Borstal  training  ?     Nothing  is  more 

difficult  than  to  estimate  the  results  of  a  new  undertaking,  especially 

the  reformation  of  men.     The  prison  commission 

Results.  entertains  strong  hopes  of  the  Borstal  treatment, 

and  of  the  "modified  Borstal"  system  in  the  local 

prisons.     That  the  health  and  moral  calibre  of  the  Borstal  inmates 

improve  during  imprisonment  there  seems  no  doubt.     As  to  parole 


'74 


THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


results,  we  read  in  the  last  report  of  the  Borstal  association  (parole 
agents  in  London)  that 

"Of  212  lads  committed  to  the  care  of  the  association  and  in  their  charge 
during  the  year 

174  are  at  present  satisfactory;  that  is,  82  per  cent. 
2  are  on  hand. 
2  are  dead. 
18  are  at  present  unsatisfactory,  irregular  at  work  through  their  own  fault. 

I  is  lost  sight  of. 

15  have  been  reconvicted.     All  but  one  of  these  threw  up  the  work  that  was 
found  for  them. 

212  Total. 

"The  help  given  by  the  association  to  these  lads  is  summarized  as  follows: 


Total. 

Satis- 
factory. 

Un- 
satis- 
factory. 

Recon- 
victed. 

On 
hand 
or  dead. 

Lost 
sight 
of. 

Work  found  for  

IQ7 

I<CO 

18 

1C 

I 

Less  done  for  

Q 

Q 

Could  not  be  helped. 

2 

2 

Did  not  need  help.  . 

A 

A 

On  hand  2;  dead  2. 

Total  

212 

174. 

18 

1C 

4. 

I 

"In  nearly  every  case  a  complete  outfit  was  supplied,  and  in  the  majority 
of  cases  wages  were  at  first  supplemented  and  clothes  renewed  or  tools  supplied. 
"Of  the  212  mentioned  — 

118  came  from  homes  apparently  respectable. 
50  had  no  homes. 

1 8  came  from  homes  apparently  indifferent. 
26  came  from  bad  homes  or  surroundings." 

More  significant  is  the  analysis  of  results  in  the  case  of  221  lads 
on  parole  to  the  Borstal  association  between  August  18,  1909,  when 
the  Borstal  act  came  into  force,  and  the  end  of  July,  1910.  Every 
boy  on  the  list  below  had  been  "in  the  open"  for  seven  months  and 
some  for  eighteen  months. 

"  133,  or  70  per  cent,  satisfactory. 

17    are  believed  to  be  satisfactory,  but  have  not  reported  recently,  many 

being  at  sea. 
36    unsatisfactory. 
3 1    reconvicted. 
2    on  hand. 
2    dead. 


221 


THE  BORSTAL  ASSOCIATION.  175 

These  parole  statistics  seem  to  approximate  those  for  Elmira  men 
paroled  to  New  York  city.  Six  years  of  statistics  (1906-1911) 
kept  by  the  Prison  Association  show  that  69  per  cent  of  the  paroled 
men  pass  satisfactorily  their  parole  period  which  averages  about 
seven  months. 

What  are  the  results  of  the  Borstal  treatment  on  the  boys  before 
they  leave  the  institution  ?  Not  so  good  as  would  be  the  case  were 
the  boys  held  longer.  Those  boys  with  the  shortest  sentences  are 
the  least  interested  and  the  most  disturbing  element  at  Borstal.  In 
this  respect  Elmira  reformatory  with  its  indeterminate  sentence  is 
far  better  off.  The  length  of  sentences  in  the  case  of  393  boys  sent 
to  Borstal  in  1910-1911  were  as  follows: 

3  years  ........................................         77 

Over  2  years  ...................................  I 

2  years  ........................................  165 

2  1  months  .....................................  I 

18  months  .....................................  91 

1  7  months  .............................  .  .......  I 

16  months  .....................................  I 

1  5  months  ........  .  ............................  1 

1  2  months  .....................................  3 

9  months  .....................................  I 

393 

In  short,  150  of  these  boys  were  given  sentences  of  under  two  years, 
and  of  those  discharged  during  the  year,  about  one-third  were  dis- 
charged before  the  expiration  of  the  sentence. 

The  Borstal  association  is  a  prisoners'  aid  society,  founded  by  Sir 

Evelyn   Ruggles-Brise,  chairman  of  the  prison  commission.     This 

society  embodies  the  belief  of  Sir  Evelyn  that  the 

The  Borstal      corner  stone  of  any  system  for  dealing  with  juvenile 

Association        adults  must  be  a  well  organized  after-care  associa- 

tion, which  will  be  in  possession  of  sufficient  funds 

to  give  the  needful  assistance.     The  society  has  been  founded  under 

the  patronage  of  some  of  the  best  known  and  most  distinguished 

persons  in  English  public  life.     The  president  is  the  home  secretary, 

and  among  the  patrons  are  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  prime 

minister,  the  bishop  of  London,  and  the  lord  chief  justice  of  England. 

The   treasurer's   statement   for  the  year  ending   March   31,    1911, 

shows  : 

Receipts: 

Subscriptions  and  donations  .........  $3»997 

Government  grants  .........  4*379 

Refunds  ......  -  «6l 


Balance  from  last  account  .......  &53 


176  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

Expenditures: 

Relief. £3,272 

Salaries 3,345 

Office  and  traveling  expenses 2,7 15 


American  prisoners'  aid  societies  doing  parole  work  will  look  with 
approval  and  perhaps  some  envy  upon  the  instructions  given  by  the 
home  secretary  to  the  police  throughout  England,  asking  them  to 
receive  any  Borstal  boy  that  comes  to  them  stating  that  he  is  out  of 
resources,  and  to  communicate  at  once  with  the  Borstal  association 
at  London.  "This  is  useful,"  the  association  reports,  "in  case  a 
boy  leaves  a  country  job  suddenly  or  is  unexpectedly  laid  off  from 
his  ship."  In  short,  England  is  developing  a  state-wide  system  of 
parole  supervision  by  a  private  society  —  a  system  that  the  Prison 
Association  would  gladly  develop  in  New  York  state  if  means  were 
at  hand. 

The  Borstal  institution  at  Aylesbury  for  girls  is  still  in  a  very  ex- 
perimental stage.  Up  to  March,  1911,  57  girls  had  been  received  at 
Aylesbury  and  only  27  girls  had  been  discharged  since  August  i, 
1909,  of  whom 

4  decided  to  stay  at  the  reformatory. 
II  were  doing  well. 
3  were  feeble-minded. 
6  were  unsatisfactory. 

1  at  home. 

2  recently  discharged. 

The  Aylesbury  treatment  embodies  much  outdoor  work,  drilling 
and  gardening,  as  well  as  sewing.  The  girls  are  classified,  and  the 
special  grade  brings  special  privileges  with  it.  The  after-care  of 
the  girls  presents  the  complicated  moral  problems  familiar  to  American 
reformatories.  Thus  far,  a  number  of  the  girls  have  been  placed 
in  training  homes  for  domestic  service. 

This  is  the  only  women's  reformatory  in  England. 
As  for  the  results  of  the  "modified  Borstal"  system  in  the  local 
prisons,  "excellent  results  continue  to  follow  this  system,  that  applies 
so  far  as   practicable    to    short   sentences    over  a 
Modified  Borstal  month  that  personal  care  and  individualization, 
Treatment       which    is    the    underlying    principle    of  the    full 
Borstal  system.     The    results    for    1910-11    were 
as  follows : 

"Treated  under  modified  Borstal  system 1810 

Of  these,  sentenced  to  four  months  or  over 470 

Discharged  from  collecting  centers 651  • 

Doing  well 56  % 

No  unfavorable  report  received 26  % 

Reconvicted 8  % 

Doing  indifferently ,,  , , 9 % 


Building  Operations.  Borstal.  England 


Types  of   Buildings.  Borstal.   England 


MODIFIED   BORSTAL  TREATMENT.  177 

Discharged  from  other  prisons,  after  sentences  of  less  than  four  months 

and  over  one  month 1364 

Doini;  well 36% 

No  unfavorable  report  received 44% 

Reconvicted 10  % 

Doing  indifferently g% 

Such  statistics,  while  interesting,  are  not  very  conclusive,  for  the 
period  under  observation  is  far  too  short.  To  be  of  value  the  careers 
of  the  "modified  Borstal"  graduates  should  be  subject  to  investi- 
gation after  one  year  or  two  years  from  time  of  release. 

As  yet  only  about  half  the  "juvenile  adults"  between  16  and  21 
years  of  age  are  sentenced  for  over  one  month.  The  modified  and 
the  full  Borstal  systems  do  not  apply  to  young  persons  sentenced  to 
one  month  or  less.  Of  1506  females,  moreover,  over  1200  were 
sentenced  to  a  month  or  under.  The  prison  commission  feels  that 
the  time  has  now  come  for  a  strong  step  forward  in  dealing  with  the 
futility  and  harmfulness  of  repeated  short  sentences  in  the  case  of 
young  and  trivial  offenders.  Yet,  comparing  the  statistics  of  juve- 
nile crime  in  England  for  nearly  a  score  of  years,  there  has  been 
since  1893  a  diminution  of  over  40  per  cent  in  the  convictions  of  per- 
sons between  the  ages  of  16  and  21.  In  the  summer  of  1910  the  sec- 
retary of  state  announced  in  parliament  that  it  was  his  intention  to 
introduce  legislation  at  an  early  date: 

"(l)  To  secure  a  certain  period  of  time  to  every  person  of  fixed  abode  for 
payment  of  fine. 

(2)  To  provide,  if  possible,  alternatives  of  imprisonment  in  the  case  of  young 
offenders  between  the  ages  of  16  and  21,  either  by 

(a)  disciplinary  correction  outside  the  prisons  or 

(b)  the  creation  of  a  system  of  disciplinary  probation  for  dealing  with  minor 
offences  and  mere  rowdyism,  without  recourse  to  imprisonment,  the  object 
being  to  ensure  that  no  youth  should  go  to  prison  unless  shown  to  be  incorrigible, 
or  to  have  committed  some  serious  offense." 

Most  striking  of  all  seems  the  statement  of  the  prison  commis- 
sioners that  carefully  studied  statistics  show  that  the  mass  of  crime 
in  Kngland  is  being  committed  by  men  who  are  gradually  advancing 
from  one  age  category  to  another,  and  having  a  diminished  number 
to  takf  their  places.  "Ten  years  ago  32  per  cent  of  offenders  con- 
\uttd  on  indictment  were  first  offenders;  now  that  number  is  only 
2$  per  cent  of  the  total  so  convicted.  If  it  be  true  that  the  mass  of 
crime  is  confined  to  recidivists,  arid  not  to  the  spread  of  crime  in 
the  community  generally,  then  England,  by  gradually  drying  up  the 
source,  is  diminishing  crime.  In  fact,  the  number  of  persons  received 
into  prisons  on  convictions,  464.8  per  100,000,  is  tne  lowest  point 
reached,  except  for  1900-1,  for  30  years." 

Even  though  there  has  probably  been  an  increased  use  of  the  pro- 
bation act,  resulting  in  many  young  offenders  being  dealt  with  in 
ways  other  than  imprisonment,  there  is  no  doubt  in  the  mind  of  the 


178  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

Howard  association  of  England,  that  serious  crime  in  England  has 
diminished.  As  regards  the  significant  reduction  in  the  number  of 
boy  prisoners,  the  Howard  association  attributes  the  "wholesale 
reduction  "  not  so  much  to  the  effect  of  the  Borstal  system,  good  as 
it  is,  as  to  the  increasing  habit  of  the  magistrates  of  not  committing 
boys  and  girls  to  prison  for  trivial  offenses.  Of  special  significance 
is  the  statement  of  the  association  that  the  probation  act  of  1908 
has  fallen  practically  into  desuetude  as  relating  to  young  offenders. 
Hence,  boys  either  go  free  or  to  prison. 


THE  TRAMP  PROBLEM  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES' 

WHAT  we  in  the  United  States  need  to  do  first  with  the  tramp 
problem  is  to  wake  up.  We  have  dealt  with  it  too  long  as  we 
do  with  a  dfsagreeable  visit  to  the  dentist,  that  ought  to  be 
paid  but  is  not. 

We  have  a  rural  tramp  problem  and  a  city  vagrancy  problem. 
Let  us  first  take  up  the  general  question.  Tramps  don't  tramp  very 
much;  they  ride.  The  railroads  are  the  best  and  the  worst  friends 
of  the  tramps;  best,  because,  as  Josiah  Flynt  has  said,  they  enable 
the  man  who  begs  from  you  on  the  streets  of  New  York  on  Monday 
to  accost  you  on  the  streets  of  Chicago  on  Saturday;  worst,  because 
the  railroads  are  the  severest  prosecutors  of  the  tramps. 

The  tramp  problem  is  both  easy  and  hard  to  understand.  Easy, 
because  it  is  easy  to  understand  what  makes  tramps;  hard,  because 
it  is  hard  to  know  how  to  deal  with  the  products  of  the  causes,  or 
with  the  causes  themselves.  Because  it  is  easy  to  get  rid  of  an 
individual  tramp,  and  so  hard  to  handle  rationally  a  group  of  tramps, 
the  almost  overpowering  tendencies  of  individuals  and  communities 
are  to  do  as  the  man  did  with  the  dead  cat :  throw  it  into  his  neighbor's 
yard,  from  which  it  in  turn  progressed  through  other  yards  until  it 
arrived  again  in  the  yard  of  the  original  neighbor. 

There  is  much  unclear  thinking  about  tramps.  The  bulk  of  people 
probably  do  not  know  what  they  mean  when  they  talk  about  tramps. 
Some  of  them  have  learned  about  tramps  from  funny  papers;some  from 
the  stranger  in  the  street;  some  from  having  their  summer  cottages 
robbed  or  burned;  some  from  being  boards  of  managers  of  hospitals 
that  give  costly  free  treatment  to  worthless  outcasts.  Charitable 
societies,  missions,  city  lodging  houses,  courts  and  prisons  have  all 
dealt  with,  and  often  do  deal  with  the  "hobo"  with  relative  unintel- 
ligence.  When  the  solution  of  a  problem  is  hard  and  costly  and 
perhaps  useless  in  the  end,  it  is  apt  to  be  side-tracked.  Thus  with 
the  related  problems  of  inebriety  and  vagrancy. 

Yet  in  the  census  of  1904  it  was  shown  that  drunkenness  ranked 
first  among  the  causes  of  commitment  to  penal  institutions  in  the 
United  States,  and  that  vagrancy  ranked  second.  Between  them 
they  caused  forty-three  per  cent  of  the  commitments  in  the  year  1904. 
That  is  a  pretty  costly  price  to  pay  for  neglect  to  solve,  if  possible, 
the  problems  of  drink  and  voluntary  idleness. 

I  do  not  wish  to  lead  the  readers  of  this  journal  again  through  the 
array  of  the  well-known  or  widely  announced  facts  and  opinions  regard- 

1  Article  by  O.  F.  Lewi*,  general  secretary  of  The  Prison  Auociation,  in  AnnaU  of  American 
Academy  of  Social  and  Political  Science,  March  1911. 

•79 


i8o  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

ing  the  extent,  the  costliness  and  the  futility  of  vagrancy  and  the  tramp 
evil.  Since  we  are  a  nation  of  newspaper  readers,  it  must  be  familiar 
to  us  that  the  railroads  report  that  in  the  aggregate  they  lose  at  least 
$25,000,000  a  year  through  railroad  vagrancy;  that  there  are  perhaps 
a  half  million  tramps  in  the  United  States;  that  their  paths  lead  like 
cow  tracks  all  over  their  rich  pastures,  the  states  of  the  Union;  that 
they  are  a  most  unproductive  and  most  disagreeable  group;  that  they 
cost  charitable  and  correctional  institutions  and  organizations  millions 
a  year  to  take  care  of  them;  that  they  corrupt  the  young  and  rob  the 
older;  that  they  disseminate  disease,  perpetrate  and  encourage  crime, 
maintain  indecent  standards  of  living,  and  are  altogether  unlovely. 

I  would  point  out,  first,  some  movements  toward  a  reduction  of 
vagrancy,  and  secondly,  some  vitally  necessary  things  that  have  not 
yet  been  undertaken.  First  and  foremost,  we  must  deal  with  the  tramp 
evil  along  broad  and  national  lines,  not  by  federal  laws,  but  with  the 
keen  sense  of  the  national  character  of  the  problem.  Our  methods 
must  be  tested,  not  primarily  by  the  question  whether  they  will  rid 
the  particular  community  of  tramps,  but  whether  they  will,  when 
adopted  in  general  by  other  communities,  tend  to  successfully  reduce 
vagrancy  and  its  attendant  evils. 

First  then,  I  cite  the  agitation  for  farm  colonies  for  tramps  and 
vagrants.  New  York  state  has  established  a  board  of  managers  of 
such  a  compulsory  farm  colony,  "for  the  detention,  humane  discipline, 
instruction  and  reformation  of  male  adults  committed  thereto  as 
tramps  and  vagrants."  This  is  an  experiment,  brought  to  its  present 
stage  by  a  strong  group  of  social  workers  in  New  York  who  have 
become  sick  and  tired  of  the  palliative  and  trivial  treatment  of  the 
tramp  evil  in  the  past.  The  colony  will  have  not  less  than  five  hundred 
acres;  will  be  probably  from  fifty  to  one  hundred  miles  from  New 
York  city;  will  receive  persons  on  indeterminate  sentences  of  a  maxi- 
mum of  eighteen  months  unless  since  arriving  at  the  age  of  sixteen 
they  have  been  committed  to  a  penal  institution.  The  colony  will 
probably  be  largely  upon  the  cottage  plan,  and  will  maintain  a  system 
of  marks  and  merits,  privileges  and  deprivations,  and  a  system  of 
parole. 

What  will  be  the  result  ?  Prophecy  is  dangerous.  It  is  believed 
that  the  best  weapon  with  which  to  fight  vagrancy  is  compulsory 
work,  just  as  there  is  nothing  like  water  after  all  with  which  to  fight 
a  large  fire,  although  chemicals  may  do  with  small  blazes.  Wherever 
work  is  announced  at  workhouses,  jails,  almshouses  and  other 
institutions  and  organizations,  the  attendance  of  the  loafing  vagrant 
falls  off.  Wherever  in  cities  the  mendicancy  squads  are  active  and 
persistent,  the  city  is  relieved  of  the  influx  of  the  panhandler  and  the 
whining,  shuffling  man  who  has  work  to  go  to  on  Monday. 

The  farm  colony  will  combine  compulsory  work  with  a  long  enough 
term  of  imprisonment  (even  under  restricted  liberty)  to  make  the 
predatory  vagrant  careful  about  traveling  through  the  state  or  seeming 
to  be  for  a  considerable  time  without  employment.  And  I  would 
say  here  that  the  law  expressly  states  that  the  colony  is  not  meant  for 


Building   by    Inmate    Labor,    Borstal    Institution.    Borstal.    England 


Instruction    in    Seamanship.    Borstal    Institution.    Borstal.    England 


THE  TRAMP  PROBLEM  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES.  181 

'reputable  workmen,  temporarily  out  of  work  and  seeking  employ- 
ment." The  courts  will  be  instructed  by  the  board  of  managers  of 
the  colony  when  it  is  ready  to  receive  inmates,  that  the  colony  is 
meant  not  for  those  tramps  who  can  be  readily  swung  back  into 
industrial  life  and  self-support,  but  for  those  "customers,"  as  the 
Germans  call  them,  who  nave  purposely  and  persistently  defied  the 
efforts  of  the  law  and  the  customs  of  the  community. 

Hence  it  is  reasonable  to  expect  that  the  total  number  of  vagrants 
in  the  state  will  be  reduced.  But,  says  the  inhabitant  of  New  Jersey, 
you  are  simply  throwing  the  tramps  into  New  Jersey  and  Connecticut. 
True;  but  the  advice  of  New  York  is  that  both  New  Jersey  and  Con- 
necticut establish  farm  colonies.  Then,  in  two  ways,  the  deterrent 
influence  of  the  colony  will  be  more  or  less  potent.  For  those  who 
pass  through  the  colony  the  idea  of  giving  another  year  or  more  to 
the  service  of  the  state  at  hard  work,  if  again  convicted  of  vagrancy, 
will  not  be  agreeable.  For  those  who  have  shunned  the  colony  by 
staying  in  another  state  the  deterrent  effect  of  the  New  York  colony 
is  obvious. 

In  short,  the  farm  colony  is  simply  typical  of  what  in  general  the 
method  must  be  of  counteracting  vagrancy.  The  tramp  is  the  most 
volatile  of  all  dependents  or  delinquents.  Pages  of  proof  can  be 
presented  of  this  fact,  and  perhaps  most  striking  of  all  would  be  the 
facts  gathered  from  juvenile  institutions. 

Will  the  colonies  reform  the  shiftless,  work-shy  tramp  ?  Probably 
not  to  any  great  extent.  In  individual  cases,  yes.  But  I  am  firmly 
of  the  opinion  that  to  reduce  vagrancy  we  need  to  employ  strong  and 
persistent  corrective  measures.  I  have  this  last  summer  visited  the 
leading  labor  colonies  of  Belgium,  Holland  and  Germany.  Every- 
where the  testimony  is  the  same,  although  some  of  the  colonies  have  been 
in  existence  nearly  one  hundred  years.  The  foreign  vagrant,  in  four 
cases  out  of  five,  is  a  repeater,  not  permanently  reclaimable.  The 
great  service  rendered  by  foreign  compulsory  labor  colonies  is  to  act 
as  a  segregating  center  for  the  half-efficient  and  intentionally  idle, 
and  as  a  deterrent  for  those  who  can  foresee  that  a  life  of  vagrancy  will 
mean  frequent  compulsory  segregation  in  the  colonies.  The  Euro- 
pean countries  would  not  think  of  giving  up  the  forced  labor  colonies, 
but  they  do  not  make  claims  that  they  are  reformatories.  We  must 
not  allow  ourselves  in  this  country  to  hail  the  new  farm  colonies  as 
reformatories  or  as  strong  factors  in  the  elimination  of  the  tramp, 
for  I  have  no  belief  at  all  that  the  tramp  can  be  eliminated  so  long 
as  the  world  takes  summer  vacations,  and  rich  people  follow  their 
bent  and  go  to  Florida  in  the  winter,  and  so  long  as  Cook's  tourc  find 
a  justification  for  being.  The  tramp  has  the  same  desires,  but  not 
the  same  means.  Being  without  means,  he  tramps,  or,  as  I  have 
already  said,  he  rides. 

Which  leads  me  to  the  second  point.  We  must  kenJ  our  best 
energies  to  the  reduction  of  railway  trespass.  I  believe  no  one  wishes 
this  reduction  so  much  as  the  railways  themselves,  for  they  are  the 
sufferers.  Where  the  individual  community  suffers  somewhat,  the 


1 82  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

long  trunk  line  suffers  greviously.  Apart  from  the  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  dollars  lost  by  our  great  railways,  the  lives  of  trainmen 
are  frequently  imperilled.  A  never-ceasing  state  of  warfare  exists 
between  the  trainmen  in  general  and  the  tramps  in  general,  although 
exceptions  to  the  "state  of  war"  exist  of  course. 

What  are  the  results  of  railway  trespass  ?  First,  the  loss  to  the 
railroads  in  property  destroyed,  stations  burned,  obstructions  placed 
on  tracks,  signals  tampered  with,  lives  lost,  persons  injured,  and, 
indeed,  the  not  infrequent  suits  that  are  brought  by  tramps  themselves 
for  injuries  sustained  while  riding  or  while  walking  on  the  railroad. 

Then  also  the  cost  to  the  community.  Railroads  will  literally 
"dump"  a  group  of  tramps  upon  a  village  or  a  town.  The  village 
reasons  with  justice  that  the  railroad  gives,  therefore  let  the  railroad 
take  away,  and  is  frequently  known  to  load  the  tramps  upon  the  next 
freight.  Or  the  justice  of  the  peace  or  the  police  court  judge  suspends 
sentence  on  condition  that  the  tramp  betake  himself  to  the  next 
settlement,  where  the  next  judge  may  still  further  pass  along,  or  send 
to  the  local  jail. 

How  can  railway  vagrancy  be  reduced  ?  By  making  the  cost  cf 
maintenance  of  vagrants  and  tramps  in  correctional  institutions  a  state 
charge.  Just  as  long  as  the  local  authorities  have  to  stand  the  expense 
of  imprisonment  of  tramps  and  vagrants,  just  so  long  will  the  passing- 
on  system  continue.  Railroad  detectives  may  work  twenty-four  hours 
a  day,  only  to  have  the  local  court  release  or  speed  the  parting  plague 
during  the  twenty-fifth  hour,  because  the  town  cannot  afford  to  stand 
the  expense. 

This  movement  requires  legislative  action.  Such  action  must  be 
propelled  by  a  strong  force.  I  believe  that  a  national  vagrancy 
committee  is  a  necessary  organization.  The  railroads  should  be 
large  factors  in  supporting  it  financially.  Their  gain  in  the  reduction 
of  railway  vagrancy  would  be  the  communities'  gain.  Therefore  the 
communities  should  uphold  the  railroads  in  fighting  vagrancy  and 
not  look  upon  their  efforts  as  another  example  of  the  persecutions 
of  a  soulless  group  of  corporations. 

In  the  third  place,  almshouses  should  not  be  used  as  the  abode  or 
resting-up  place  for  able-bodied  works hys.  In  the  absence  of  "tramp 
houses"  with  work  tests  one  cannot  blame  the  timid  farmer's  wife 
from  quickly  bolting  the  door  and  shouting  through  the  crack  of  the 
door  to  the  rural  tramp,  to  go  to  the  poorhouse  over  night.  That 
raisestwo  questions.  First,  will  thecommunity establish  atramphouse 
with  work  test  ?  Secondly,  does  not  the  farmer's  wife  run  a  real 
danger  in  refusing  the  tramp  food  or  shelter  ?  Answering  the  second 
question  first,  I  would  say  that  the  testimony  of  tramps  with  whom 
I  have  talked  is  that  the  tramp,  if  not  sustaining  violence,  is  not  very 
liable  to  wreak  any  physical  revenge  for  not  receiving  aid.  It  is  a 
battle  of  wits.  The  tramp  is  generally  lying  as  to  his  need.  He  has 
little  admiration  for  the  gullible  housekeeper.  If  refused,  he  says 
to  himself:  "She  didn't  fall  for  my  yarn."  I  have  lived  several  years 
in  the  suburbs  of  New  York  on  a  farm,  and  commuted  to  my  work 


THE  TRAMP  PROBLEM  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES.  183 

in  New  York.     We  have  refused  many  tramps,  or  offered  them  work, 
and  we  have  never  suffered  any  physical  harm. 

Furthermore,  the  more  violence  that  there  might  be,  the  stronger 
is  the  argument  for  bringing  about  a  change  in  the  present  nuisance. 
We  do  know,  from  newspaper  articles,  of  the  physical  violence 
occasionally  wreaked  upon  defenseless  women.  The  best  way  to 
overcome  that  danger  is  to  deter  the  assailants  from  being  in  the  coun- 
try at  all.  And  here  the  "tramp  house"  with  work  test  attached 
will  be  a  potent  local  remedy.  The  state  of  Massachusetts  in  1905 
passed  a  drastic  tramp  law,  providing,  that  able-bodied  vagrants, 
whenever  lodged  by  a  community,  shall  be  required  to  render  reason- 
able work  in  return  for  food  and  lodging,  which  shall  be  adequate. 

The  result  in  one  year  was  as  follows: 

In  1905,  89  almshouses  lodged  23,341  vagrants. 
In  1906,  6 1  almshouses  lodged  7,900  vagrants. 
In  1905,  17  towns  lodged  2,711  vagrants. 
In  1906,  17  towns  lodged  254  vagrants. 

Bringing  history  down  to  date,  we  find  the  comparative  absence 
of  tramps  at  present  to  be  the  result  of  the  rigid  enforcement  of  the 
tramp  law.  "It  is  the  opinion  of  tramp  officer  Barrett  that  most  of 
the  tramps  who  formerly  infested  Massachusetts  in  large  numbers 
cross  over  the  state  as  quickly  as  they  can  from  Connecticut  or  New 
York  to  New  Hampshire  or  Vermont.  The  state  can  readily  be 
crossed  at  almost  any  point  in  a  day's  travel  over  the  roads.  Rather 
than  take  a  chance  of  a  term  in  a  Massachusetts  jail,  the  real  tramps 
hurry  across  the  state  to  a  point  where  the  law  is  not  so  thoroughly 
enforced."1 

The  Massachusetts  law  further  provides  that  if  tramps  are  to  be 
lodged  at  all,  they  shall  not  be  lodged  in  the  almshouses  in  association 
with  the  paupers.  In  short,  the  laws  of  the  Bay  State  are  well  calcu- 
lated to  make  it  disagreeable  to  be  a  tramp,  and  the  burden  of  my 
argument  in  this  paper  is  that  that  is  the  point  of  view  we  must  adopt 
in  general. 

Is  this  uncharitable  ?  In  no  sense.  What  are  the  facts  ?  The 
tramp  is  of  no  use  even  to  the  moralist,  for  he  has  other  horrible 
examples  from  which  he  can  draw  his  lessons  and  examples,  fie  is 
not  useful  to  the  labor  agitator,  for  the  honest  unemployed  are  suffi- 
ciently numerous  without  the  tramp.  He  is  not  useful  to  the  charitable 
societies  as  cases,  or  to  the  hospitals.  lie  is  not  useful  to  the  prisons, 
for  he  is  the  least  susceptible  of  reformation.  To  whom  is  he  useful  ? 
Not  even  to  himself,  for  he  is  a  miserable  outcast.  Then  why  should 
we  encourage  his  vice  to  get  the  better  of  his  will  by  being  indifferent 
to  the  tramp  problem  ?  If  we  are  not  to  be  indifferent,  we  can  use  but 
one  of  two  methods,  gentle  persuasion  and  charitable  help,  or  rigorous 
prosecution  and  drastic  treatment.  The  gentle  persuasion  and  the 
charitable  help  are  in  my  opinion  generally  failures;  if  they  are  not, 

•The  Review,  February,  1911. 


184  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

why  have  we  not  reduced  vagrancy  ?  Any  one  will  be  apt  to  say 
today  that  vagrancy  is  more  widespread  than  five  years  ago.  Gentle 
persuasion  and  charitable  help  are  useful  in  individual  cases,  and  the 
spirit  of  charity  toward  the  fallen  and  the  outcast  should  never  cease 
out  of  the  land,  but  we  must  interpret  what  we  mean  by  the  spirit 
of  charity.  To  my  mind  real  chanty  in  the  problem  of  the  tramp  evil 
means  the  reduction  to  the  least  possible  point  of  bread  lines,  free 
meals  and  lodgings  given  by  missions,  charity  societies  and  prison 
associations,  and  the  elimination  of  private  or  public  lodging  houses 
which  give  free  lodging  and  meals  without  work  tests,  or  their  reor- 
ganization into  work-test  lodging  houses.  In  short,  charity  in  the 
cases  of  vagrancy  means  cutting  ofF  every  chance  for  the  individual 
vagrant  to  find  an  excuse  to  continue  his  life  of  workshyness  and 
parasitism. 

This  sounds  perhaps  harsh  and  hostile,  and  so  it  would  be,  did  not 
my  recommendations  carry  with  them  provision  for  constructive 
assistance  to  the  vagrant,  which  I  shall  shortly  mention.  I  cannot 
too  strongly  emphasize,  however,  the  folly  of  looking  with  tolerance 
and  even  pity  upon  the  gradual  descent  of  the  vagrant  into  entire 
uselessness,  instead  of  performing  a  major  operation  upon  him,  if 
necessarily  early,  an  operation  which  while  it  will  hurt  and  be  drastic, 
will  not  endanger  life  or  even  reasonable  comfort,  and  will  make  him 
literally  "sit  up  and  take  notice"  that  life  is  not  one  wild  ride  from 
city  to  city  and  one  long  series  of  idle  days  and  debauched  nights. 

Returning  now  to  our  deterrent  forces  for  the  reduction  of  vagrancy, 
I  would  put  next  the  great  desirability,  and  even  necessity,  of  having 
certain  state  officials  to  arrest  and  prosecute  vagrants.  The  graphically 
designated  "tramp  officer"  is  such  a  one.  The  state  constabulary  of 
Pennsylvania  are  such.  We  must  protect  the  rural  communities  from 
the  vicious  wanderers  of  the  highway.  The  village  constable  is  no 
person  to  prosecute  tramps.  In  the  first  place,  it  is  not  his  business 
to  be  a  patrolman,  and  secondly,  the  farmer  who  calls  him  in  has  to 
pay  fees  for  the  arrest  that  he  makes,  if  the  laws  of  other  sections  of 
the  country  are  the  same  as  those  prevailing  in  the  town  in  which  my 
small  farm  is  located.  A  mounted  constabulary  is  a  great  desidera- 
tum. Foreign  countries  have  such,  and  the  vagrants  and  the  beggars 
shun  them. 

In  the  next  place,  persistent  effort  should  be  made  in  all  states  to  do 
away  so  far  as  possible  by  law  with  the  short  sentence  and  the  idle  jail. 
This  is  not  easy.  New  York  has  for  years  sought  to  establish  reason- 
able industries  in  the  county  penitentiaries,  but  those  institutions 
are  under  county  management,  which  means  often  stupid  political 
indifference.  So  long  as  counties  maintain  winter  resorts  for  idle 
tramps,  they  can  obtain  a  houseful  without  publishing  any  prospect- 
uses. How  ridiculous  that  the  very  persons  who  moan  and  burst 
into  denunciations  about  the  burdens  of  tramps,  are  the  very  ones 
often  that  show  immovable  indifference  to  the  jail  or  penitentiary 
problem  as  a  penological  question,  or  as  anything  except  a  plum  for 
the  spoils  system. 


THE  TRAMP  PROBLEM  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES.  185 

I  have  outlined  certain  reasons  for  the  continuance  of  the  tramp 
evil  in  the  country.  In  the  city— which  is  not  a  subject  for  special  dis- 
cussion in  this  series  on  Rural  Life,  the  lodging  houses,  the  complacent 
five-cent  charity-monger  on  the  street,  the  "rescue-and-advertised 
results"  missions,  the  municipal  lodging  houses  without  work  tests, 
the  woodyard  without  other  industrial  features,  and  the  lack  of 
cooperative  efforts  to  deal  with  the  vagrancy  question  on  a  large 
scale  and  with  differentiation  of  function,  are  some  reasons  why  we 
see  fully  as  many  vagrants  now  as  we  did  some  years  ago. 

What  shall  we  do?  Orgamzt  the  national  vagrancy  committee. 
Get  funds  enough  and  a  general  secretary  of  sufficient  caliber  to 
engineer  a  number  of  movements  along  the  lines  mentioned  above. 
The  vagrancy  business  at  present  is  often  nobody's  business.  Its 
ramifications  are  so  many  and  so  far  reaching  that  the  charity  worker 
naturally  spends  his  energy  on  problems  more  local,  nearer  home. 
If  there  is  one  problem  that  should  be  dealt  with  on  a  national  basis, 
it  is  the  tramp  problem. 

In  some  states  the  problem  has  been  forced  to  the  front.  New 
York  is  fortunate  in  the  group  of  social  workers  on  public  boards  and 
in  private  organizations  who  have  urged  successfully  in  recent  years 
not  alone  the  tramp  colony  for  habitual  tramps  and  vagrants,  but 
also  the  establishment  of  a  farm  colony  for  inebriates  by  the  city  of 
New  York,  and  the  removal  of  the  city  reformatory  for  misdemeanants 
from  New  York  city  into  the  country.  To  catch  the  tramp  young; 
to  cure  him  if  possible  of  his  drink  habit;  to  impress  upon  him  in  a 
tramp  colony  that  tramping  is  a  thing  the  "state  of  New  York  does 
not  intend  longer  to  ignore;  such  are  some  of  the  recent  moves  in  the 
Empire  State. 

But,  along  constructive  instead  of  deterrent  lines,  a  national  va- 
grancy committee  must  make  active  studies.  Inevitably  there  must 
be  developed  in  our  country  some  comprehensive  form  of  free  employ- 
ment bureaus,  which  will  eliminate  the  excuse  of  vagrants  that,  being 
down  and  out,  there  is  no  ready  chance  for  them  to  get  employment 
a-jum.  To  the  statement  that  charitable  societies  already  try  to 
"bring  the  jobless  man  and  the  manlcss  job"  together,  the  answer 
may  be  made  that  the  general  effort  to  find  employment  for  the 
unemployed  should^be  in  appearance  or  in  actuality  a  charitable ~~~+* 
effort. 

In  connection  with  the  development  of  free  employment  agencies 
there  should  be  lodgings  at  freauent  intervals,  that  is,  in  contiguous 
cities  and  communities  where  tne  unemployed  may  eat  and  sleep,  in 
return  for  u-ork  done.  Never  can  we  conscientiously  prosecute  the 
intentially  idle  vagrant  at  all  points  until  we  establish  the  means  of 
temporary  employment  for  him  that  will  remove  the  plausible  excuse 
that  he  cannot  find  employment. 

The  "way-ticket"  plan,  adapted  from  the  German  identification 
card,  will  be  probably  long  in  coming  into  the  United  States.  It  is 
still  repugnant  to  the  great  majority  of  citizens  to  consider  being 
tabbed  or  "mugged"  and  numbered.  Such  measures  have  been 


1 86  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

advocated,  but  their  realization  is  far  off.  We  cannot  expect  to  control 
the  progress  from  city  to  city  of  the  unemployed  seeker  for  a  job,  as 
is  done  in  Germany.  What  we  can  do  is  to  follow  the  general  lead  of 
Massachusetts,  and  make  the  entertainment  of  the  vagrant  condi- 
tional uppn  separating  such  entertainment  from  that  given  to  paupers, 
and  injreturn  for  work. 

Along  sanitary  lines,  we  can  do  something  by  cleaning  up  the  low 
lodging  houses,  where  the  poorest  and  the  most  shiftless  of  the  unemploy- 
ed sleep  and  "hang  out."  Slowly  the  rules  and  regulations  for  common 
lodging  houses  are  being  improved  in  may  cities.  New  York  city 
has  recently  put  in  force  a  rather  drastic  series  of  rules  and  regulations 
for  the  government  of  common  lodging  houses,  after  having  received 
the  suggested  rules  in  1907  from  two  of  the  large  charitable  societies 
of  the  city,  which  had  compiled  them  from  the  experience  of  many 
American  and  foreign  cities. 

A  very  tangible  method  of  reducing  vagrancy  to  some  extent  is 
rigorously  to  prosecute  begging  on  the  streets  or  in  public  places. 
Abroad,  the  courts  make  a  careful  distinction  between  begging  in 
localities  where  poor  relief  is  obtainable  and  in  places  where  it  cannot 
readily  be  obtained.  In  our  large  cities,  poor  relief  for  the  homeless 
is  accessible,  and  there  should  be  no  toleration  of  the  street  mendicant. 
New  York  city  has  suffered  for  several  years  from  an  increased 
amount  of  mendicancy,  due  to  the  removal  in  1906  of  the  mendicancy 
squad  that  had  under  Mr.  Forbes  rendered  such  excellent  service 
to  the  city  under  the  general  control  of  the  Charity  Organization 
Society.  The  street  mendicant  perverts  the  charitable  impulse 
without  which  society  cannot  maintain  its  philanthropic  work.  In 
the  country  the  beggar  has  a  ground  for  his  story  of  need,  unless  there 
be  in  the  neighborhood  a  place  where  he  can  find  shelter  and  food 
—  and  work. 

As  I  have  said  before,  I  shall  not  attempt  to  indicate  the  causes  of 
vagrancy.     They  are  in  general  the  same  as  the  causes  of  poverty  — 
plus,  often,  the  strong  desire  to  wander.     The  very  most  effective  check 
on  vagrancy  is  the  proper  kind  of  education  of  the  young  during  the 
years  from  ten  to  twenty.     The  schools,  the  home,  the  church  must  all 
do  their  part  in  preparing  the  youth  for  a  reasonable,  honest  and 
efficient  life.     Child  labor,  illness,  mental  defectiveness,  congestion 
of  population,  truancy,  orphanage,  inefficiency,  low  wages,  overwork, 
industrial  accidents,  diseases  of  occupation,  the  temptations  of  crime 
seasonal   and   irregular  trades  —  all  these   causes   and   many  more, 
operate  to  produce  the  youthful  tramp.     When  such  influences  gain 
posession,  the  railroad  is  ready  at  hand  to  bear  the  boy  from  h'"s 
hated  surroundings  to  the  wide,  wide  world  beyond  the  horizon  — 
a  horizon  often  of  dismal  walls,  and  sooty  chimneys,  and  slovenly 
backyards. 

Yes,  we  need  a  national  committee  to  take  up  soberly  and  com- 
prehensively the  treatment  of  the  problems  of  vagrancy.  For  nearly 
a  half  century,  responsible  persons  in  our  country  have  intermittently 
emphasized  the  growing  seriousness  of  the  vagrancy  problem.  The 


Outdoor  Work,    Borstal    Institution.    Borstal.    England 


Cricket.  Borstal   Institution,  Borstal.  England 


THE  TRAMP  PROBLEM  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES.  187 

so-called  larger  social  movements  are  well  under  way.  We  have  our 
consumers'  leagues,  our  national  child  labor  committee,  our  national 
committee  for  the  study  and  prevention  of  tuberculosis,  our  national 
housing  committee,  our  national  association  of  charity  organization 
societies,  and  even  our  national  prisoners'  aid  association.  There 
remain  for  comprehensive  national  treatment  the  two  leading  causes 
of  commitment  to  penal  institutions  —  inebriety  and  vagrancy.  The 
two  offenses  against  society  frequently  overlap.  Should  not  the  next 
step,  or  one  of  the  next  steps,  be  the  establishment  of  a  national  move- 
ment to  reduce  one  or  both  of  these  great  social  evils  ?  t 


©umttg-ODtt? 


12  fH0tt!lj0  lEn&ittg  Srr*mb*r  31,  19 11 


STATEMENT   OF  ASSETS  AND  LIABILITIES  AT    DATE   OF  DECEMBER 

30,   1911 

SCHEDULE  "A" 

ASSETS 
Cash: 

Treasurer's  Fund: 

Mechanics    &    Metals   National 

Bank $3,357  46 

Endowment    Funds    on    deposit 
subject   to   transfer   to   U.    S. 

Trust  Co 59  44 

$3,416  90 
General  Secretary's  Funds: 

Bank  of  the  Metropolis $19  63 

Petty  cash 109  83 

129  46 
Endowment  Fund: 

U.  S.  Trust  Co 226  69 

Reserve  Fund: 
New  York  Life  Insurance    &  Trust  Co  ....         3,  oio  43 

Mary  H.  Brush  Fund: 
Union  Trust  Co 534  85 


Total  cash $7*318  33 

Real  estate  (at  cost) : 

House  and  lot,  135  East  I5th  St 22,500  oo 

Due  from  Napanoch  reformatory ! 25  oo 

Interest  accrued  or  due: 

Investments 658  96 


Total  assets $30,502  29 

1 88 


TREASURER'S  REPORT.  189 

LIABILITIES 

Accounts  payable $42 1  62 

Various  Funds: 

Endowment  Fund $66,053  63 

Less  amount  invested 65*767  50 


Uninvested $286  13 

Reserve  Fund 3,010  43 

Mary  H.  Brush  Fund 3.034  85 

Less  amount  invested 2,500  oo 

Uninvested 534  85 

Russell  Sage  Foundation 81  94 

3»9»3  35 
Special  donations  for  relief  (see  Schedule  "  E  ")  . .          $66 1  83 

Funds  held  in  trust  for  I.  Lipschitz 8  oo 

66983 

Capital  at  date  of  December  31,  1910 $25,633  92 

Loss  for  year  ending  December  30,  191 1 136  43 

Capital  at  date  of  December  30,   1911.      2  5.497  49 

Total  liabilities $30,502  29 


RECEIPTS  AND   EXPENDITURES  FOR  THE   12  MONTHS   ENDING 
DECEMBER  30,  191 1 

SCHEDULE  "  B  " 

CURRENT  FUNDS 

Balance,  December  31,  1910: 

In  Mechanics  and  Metals  National  Bank $4»4&7  94 

Of  which  endowments  afterward  transferred 1.15*  oo 


In  general  secretary's  hands 

*3«593  06 

INCOME 

Donations: 

General $20,431  28 

Special 1,558  19 

Relief 618  oo 

Library 75  oo 

$22,682  47 
Interest: 

Investments S'.r-U  37 

Bank  balances 377  62 

*,I3«  99 


igo  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

Reformatories: 

New  York  State,  Elmira $1,300  oo 

Napanoch 300  oo 

$1,600  oo 

Terrace  Garden  entertainment 390  oo 

Funds  held  in  trust 364  oo 

Transferred  from  Reserve  Fund  (net) 290  oo 

Rents  in  1910 136  50 

Refunds 55  oo 

$27,649  96 

$31,243  02 

EXPENDITURES 

Special  donations  for  relief $896  36 

Funds  held  in  trust 538  62 

Terrace  Garden  entertainment 450  97 

O.  F.  Lewis,  European  trip 400  oo 

Russell  Sage  Foundation 194  58 

D.  E.  Kimball,  vacation 150  oo 

Exchange  on  cheques 7  23 

General  secretary:  #2>°37  7° 

Salaries $7,686  75 

Printing  and  stationery ^875  30 

Postage !>633  40 

Transportation,  hotels  and  carfares,  473  02 

Telegrams,  telephone  and  messen- 
ger   • 275  39 

Office  supplies 173  70 

Library 162  56 

Newspapers  and  periodicals 139  77 

Sundries 49  66 

Express  and  cartage 19  99 

Furniture  and  fixtures 17  38 

Conference  membership  and  organ- 
izations    17  oo 

Photos  and  films 1412 

Publicity 13  99 

House:  I2>552  03 

Salaries $434  oo 

Repairs 422  44 

Supplies 242  40 

Light 228  10 

Fuel 178  25 

Insurance 136  25 

Labor 98  75 

Water 27  30 

Express  and  cartage 35° 

Sundries 3  oo 

Transportation  and  carfares ......  80 

J.774  79 


TREASURER'S  REPORT  191 


Parole  bureau: 

Salaries  ........................  $4,336  90 

Transportation,    agents'    expenses 

and  carfares  ..................  374  14 

Sundries  .......................  27  87 

Labor  .....................  ....  12  50 

Express  and  cartage  .............  i  oo 


Probation  bureau: 

Salaries  ........................  $3,217  88 

Transportation     and     agents'    ex- 

penses .......................  162  28 

3,380  1  6 
Relief:1 

Food  and  meals  .................  $973  05 

Rent  ..........................  854  12 

Sundries  .......................  299  OO 

Labor  for  and  by  applicants  ......  103  67 

Clothing  .......................  loo  95 

Medical  and  surgical  ............  80  75 

Transportation  and  carfares  ......  76  01 

Tools  ..........................  56  25 

Mrs.  S.    J.    Atwood,    employment 

agency  .......................  50  20 

Pensions  .......................  18  oo 

Agency  fees  ...................  13  oo 

Coal  ...........................  12  oo 

Loans  .........................  ii  85 

Laundry  .......................  '    10  10 

$2,658  95 

$27,756  10 

$3,486  92 

Balance,  December  30,  1911: 

In  Mechanics  and  Metals  National 

Bank  ................  $3.4«6  90 

Of  which,  endowment  funds,  sub- 
ject to  transfer  to  U.  S.  Trust  Co.  59  44 

*3.3$7  46 
In  general  secretary's  hands: 

Bank  of  the  Metropolis  ......  $19  63 

Petty  cash  ............  ,.  .  109  83 

129  46 

$3,486  91 


•See  also  firrt  item  under  eiprndilurrt,  p.  190 


192 


THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


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TREASURER'S  REPORT. 


'93 


CONDITION  OP  THE  VARIOUS  FUNDS  AT  DECEMBER  30,  1911. 
SCHEDULE  "  D  " 

STATEMENT  OF  THE    ENDOWMENT   FUND 

Balance  at  credit  of  fund,  December  3  1,  1910  .................  $32,166  24 

Received  from  donors  ......................................  33.^5  °° 

Received  from  United  States  Trust  Co.,  interest  (transferred 

below)  ...............................................  22526 

Received  from  United  States  Trust  Co.,  interest  (not  trans- 

ferred) .................................................  "39 

566,278  89 
Transferred  to  treasurer's  fund  ..............................  225  26 

Balance  at  date  of  December  30,  1911: 
On  deposit  in  United  States  Trust  Co  ..........  $226  69 

On  deposit  in  Mechanics  and  Metals  National 

Bank  59  44 

Invested  (per  Schedule  "C").  ..  65,767  50 

$66,053  63 

STATEMENT  OF  THE  RESERVE  FUND 

Balance  at  credit  of  fund,  December  31,  19  10  .................        $3»255  5° 

Received  from  New  York  Life  Insurance  &  Trust  Co.,  interest 

(transferred  below)  ....................................  49  37 

Received  from  New  York  Life  Insurance  &  Trust  Co.,  interest 

(not  transferred)  .......................................  44  93 

$3,349  80 
Transferred  to  treasurer's  fund  ................        $1,790  oo 

Transferred  to  treasurer's  fund,  interest  ........  49  37 

*'.839  37 
Transferred  from  Treasurer's  fund  ............          1,500  oo 

-  339  37 


Balance  at  date  of  December  30,  1911,  on  deposit  in  New  York 
Life  Insurance  &  Trust  Co  .....................  $3,010  43 

STATEMENT  OF  THE   MARY    H.    BRUSH    FUND 

Balance  at  credit  of  fund,  December  31,  1910  ............  $3,058  36 

Received  from  Union  Trust  Co.,  interest  (transferred  below)..  44  63 

Received  from  Union  Trust  Co.,  interest  (not  transferred)..  ..  34  85 

*3,«37  84 

Transferred  to  treasurer's  fund,  interest  .....  $58  36 

Interest  ............................  44  63 


«3 


IQ4  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

Balance  at  date  of  December  30,  1911: 

On  deposit  in  the  Union  Trust  Co $534  &5 

Invested,  per  Schedule  "C" 2,500  oo 

#3,°34  85 


STATEMENT   OF   THE    RUSSELL   SAGE    FOUNDATION  FUND 

Balance  at  credit  of  fund,  December  31,  1910 $276  52 

Expenditures 194  58 


Balance  at  credit  of  fund,  December  30,  1911 $8 1  94 


We  hereby  certify  that  we  have  examined  the  books,  accounts  and  vouchers 
of  the  Prison  Association  of  New  York  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  December  30, 
1911,  and  that  the  above  statement  is  correct. 

TOWNSFND,  DlX    AND  YALE, 

Accountants 


£ i t'r  }J;i  t  nut  ii. 


(EontribultottB  of  $500  or  More  at  (Onr  Stair. 


Barbey,  Mrs.  Henry  I. 

Benjamin,  Mrs.  Eastburn. 

Billings,  Frederick. 

Brewster,  Robert  B. 

Brown,  M.  Bayard. 

Clarke,  F.  Ambrose. 

Dodge,  Cleveland  H. 

Gold,  Cornelius  B. 

Harkness,  E.  S. 

Harrah,  Charles  J. 

James,  Arthur  Curtis. 

James,  Mrs.  D.  Willis. 

Lewisohn,  The  Misses  Alice  &  Irene. 

"  M.  G.  S." 


McHarg,  Henry  K. 
Phipps,  Henry. 
Pyne,  Percy  R. 
Rhinelander,  Miss  Serena. 
Rockefeller, John  D. 
Sage,  Mrs.  Dean. 
Schiff,  Jacob  H. 
Schiff,  Mortimer  L. 
Scott,  William  H. 
Stetson,  Francis  Lynde. 
Stewart,  Lispenard. 
Thome,  Samuel. 
Tiffany,  L.  C. 
Wocrishoffer.  Mrs.  Anna. 


«9$ 


Hifr 


Sg  CCnntrtbutt0na  of  #100  at  ©it* 


Agnew,  A.  G. 
*  Archer,  George  B. 
Astor,  Mrs.  John  Jacob. 
Baker,  George  F. 
Barhydt,  Mrs.  P.  Hackley. 
Billings,  Mrs.  Frederick. 
Bishop,  David  Wolfe. 
Bliss,  Miss  Catherine  A. 
Bowdoin,  George  S. 
Bowen,  Mrs.  Harry  S. 
Brown,  Alexander  H. 
Brown,  James. 
Brownell,  Miss  Matilda  A. 
Bruce,  Miss  Sarah  E. 
Bull,  H.  K. 
"  C.  C." 
"  C  P  S  " 
Caldwell,  Samuel  B. 
Carnegie,  Andrew 
Carnegie,  Mrs.  T.  M. 
Caswell,  John. 
Chapman,  Mrs.  John  J. 
Chisolm,  B.  Ogden. 
Chisolm,  W.  E. 
Choate,  Joseph  H. 
Clark,  Edward  Severin. 
Clark,  Mrs.  Stephen  C. 
Cooper,  James  Fennimore. 
Conger,  A.  B. 
Connor,  W.  E. 
Corning,  H.  K. 
Crimmins,  John  D. 
Cromwell,  James  W. 
Crosby,  William  B. 
Cutting,  R.  Fulton. 
De  Forest,  Henry  W. 
Dickie,  E.  P. 
Dodge,  D.  Stuart. 
Du  Bois,  Miss  Katharine. 
Duncan,  William  B. 
Ehret,  George. 
Einstein,  Edward. 
Emmons,  Arthur  B. 
Fraser,  George  S. 
Frazier,  Mrs.  Clara  D. 
Gerry,  Elbridge  T. 
Gerry,  Peter  G. 
Gilman,  William  G. 
Gilman,  Winthrop  S. 
Gould,  Edwin. 
Gould,  Miss  Helen  M. 
Grace  Church. 
Hadden,  Alexander  M. 

*  Deceased. 


Haggin,  J.  B. 
Halkett,  Baroness  S. 
Hall,  Mrs.  Bolton. 
Hill,  Frederick  T. 
Hearn,  James  A.  and  Son. 
Howland,  Joseph. 
Howland,  Mrs.  Joseph. 
Howland,  Meredith. 
Hyde,  Mrs.  Clarence  M. 
Jackson,  Samuel  Macauley. 
Jameson,  E.  C. 
Johnson,  Arthur  G. 
Johnson  Gilbert  H. 
Johnson,  James  W. 
Jones,  James  H. 
Juilliard,  Mrs.  A.  D. 
Keene,  James  R. 
Keteltas,  Miss  Alice. 
Kunhardt,  W.  B. 
"  L.  B.  G." 

Langdon,  Woodbury  G. 
Lawrence,  Mrs.  Samuel. 
Lenox,  Miss. 
Livingston,  Johnston. 
Livingston,  Miss  Julia. 
Lorillard,  Pierre. 
Low,  William  G. 
McClymonds,  Mrs.  L.  K. 
McCurdy,  Richard  A. 
McLanahan,  Mrs.  C.  L. 
McLane,  Allen. 
Marshall,  Louis. 
Mead,  J.  H. 

Minturn,  Mrs.  Robert  B. 
Moore,  Mrs.  W.  H. 
Morgan,  Mrs.  David  P. 
Morgan,  George  D. 
Murtland,  Samuel. 
National  Humane  Alliance. 
O'Connor,  Thomas  H. 
Olmsted,  Mrs.  C.  L. 
Olyphant,  R.  M. 
Osborn,  William  Church. 
Parrish,  Daniel. 
Peabody,  George  Foster. 
Penfold,  Miss  Josephine. 
Perkins,  George  W. 
Peters,  E.  D. 
Pratt,  Herbert  L. 
Pullen,  John  A. 
Rand,  George  C. 
Reed,  Latham,  G.       * 
Rhinelander,  W.  C. 


196 


LIFE  MEMBERS. 

Robh,  J.  Hampdcn.  Thomas.  Scth  E. 

St.  Thomas  Church.  Thorne,  Jonathan. 

Sam-.  Dean.  Trevor.  Mrs.  J.  B. 

Sage,  William  H.  Van  Dyke.  Henry  I. 

Swnpno,  Joseph.  Van  Gerbig.  Mrs.  B. 

Schennerhorn,  P.  Augustus.  Van  Ingcn.  E.  H. 

If,  Miss  Grace.  Van  Rensselaer.  Alexander. 

Seaman.  Lloyd.  Warburg.  Felix. 

Sellew.  T.  G.  Ward.  George  C. 

Shaw.  Mrs.  Francis  George.  Ward.  J.  Seely. 

Shi-afe,  Mrs.  Mary.  Webb.  William  Seward. 

Shipman.  C.  H.  Westinghouse.  Church.  Kerr  ft  Cb. 

Slayback.  John  D.  Wcston,  R.  W. 

Sloane.  Samuel.  Whitney.  H.  P. 

Smith,  Eugene.  White,  Alfred  T. 

SjH-noer,  Mrs.  Catherine.  White.  Mrs.  Joseph  M. 

Stillman,  Miss  Charlotte  R.  Wilson.  Mrs.  H.  S. 

Stillman.  Mrs.  T.  S.  Wood.  I.  Walter. 

Stokt-s.  Anson  Phclps.  Wood.  William. 

Stone,  Miss  Annie.  Woodin,  W.  H. 

Strong.  Miss  Alice  E.  Zabriskie.  Mrs.  George. 
TarlicH,  H.  S. 

tiff  ffirmbrrB. 


'97 


Vy  (Contribution*  of  $50  at  (Onr  etmr. 

A  Friend.  Ferguson,  Mrs.  Farquhar. 

Adler,  Felix.  Field,  B.  H. 

Andrews,  Constant  A.  Foster,  James  Jr. 

Arnold.  Edward  W.  C.  Fraser.  Airs.  George  S. 

Astor,  W.  W.  Frost,  Aaron  V. 

Bi-lmont,  August.  Gallatin,  Mrs.  A.  H. 

Bigelow,  Mrs.  Lucius  H.  Gallatin.  Albert. 

Bliss,  Cornelius  N.  Geer.  Mrs.  Walter. 

Bliss,  Ernest  C.  Gilman.  Arthur. 

Bliss,  Mrs.  Robert  W.  Gray.  Horace. 

Booth,  W.  A.  Hacklt-y.  Mrs.  C.  B. 

Borg,  Simon.  Hall,  \lrs.  John. 

Brown,  Stewart.  Halliday,  E.  C. 

Bulkley.  Mrs.  Edwin  M.  Halliday.  Mrs.  B.  C. 

Campljcll,  Mrs.  Henry  G.  Halsted.  Miss  A.  B. 

Chisolm.  Mrs.  William  E.  Harkness.  Mrs.  Stephen  V. 

Coffin,  Edmund.  Havemeyer,  J.  C. 

Coleman,  N.  T.  Hawley.'john  S. 

Colgate.  William.  Healy.  A.  Augustus. 

Corse,  Israel.  Heinsheimcr,  Alfred  M. 

Cotter,  Mrs.  Charles  Henry.  Hem-ken.  Mrs.  Albert  G. 

Coxe,  Mrs.  Da  vies.  Herrick,  E. 

Crane,  Albert.  Holden.  James  C. 

Cronman,  W.  A.,  and  Brother  Horne,  James. 

Cutting.  R.  Bayard.  Hublwrd.  Thomas  H. 

"  Crown."  Hunt.  Thomas. 

Dean,  Miss  E.  A.  Huntington.  Henry. 

Dinsmore.  Mrs.  W.  B.  Hurd.  R.  M. 

Dodge.  William  E.  Jr.  Hutdunion,  Jt>hn  Willwm. 

Douglas.  lames.  Hyde.  Fmlcrick  E. 

Duncan.  Miss  Amy  L.  Irvin.  Riclianl.  \ 

Ellis.  William  D.  lardine.  IXnlky. 

Engs,  P.  W.  l«up.  Mrs.  Morris  K. 

Evans,  Hartman  K.  Johnson,  Alexander  S. 


198 


THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


Jones,  Edward. 
Jones,  James  J. 
Kidder,  Mrs.  A.  M. 
Kissam,  Samuel  H. 
Landon,  Francis  G. 
Langton,  John. 
Leffingwell,  R.  C. 
Le  Roy,  J.  R. 
Lichtenstadter,  Samuel. 
Lobenstine,  William  C. 
Lockwood,  Homer  N. 
Lowery,  J.  S. 
Lydig,  David. 
McMillian,  Emerson. 
Maghee,  Mrs.  S.  P. 
Maxwell,  Mrs.  Robert. 
Metcalf ,  Brothers  &  Co. 
Milbank,  Mrs.  Joseph. 
Moore,  W.  H.  H. 
Moore  &  Schley. 
Morgan,  Miss  C.  L. 
Morgan,  Mr.  &  Mrs.  J.  P.  Jr. 
Morris,  Henry  Lewis. 
Mortimer,  Mrs.  W.  Y. 
Mott,  William  F. 
Nelson,  Mrs.  Charles  N. 
Neustadter,  Henry. 
Olyphant,  David. 
Osborne,  Thomas  W. 
Parish,  Henry. 
Parish,  Miss  Susan  D. 
Parks,  Leighton. 
Parsons,  Mrs.  Edwin. 
Pearl,  Mrs.  Frederick  W. 
Phelps,  Mrs.  William  W. 
Philbin,  Eugene  A. 
Potter,  Howard. 
Prosser,  Thomas. 
Raht,  Charles. 
Ray,  Robert. 
Richard,  Miss  Elvine. 
Risley,  G.  H. 
Robbins,  George  A. 
Roberts,  Miss  Elizabeth  W. 
Robertson,  R.  H. 
Root,  Charles. 
Rothschild,  Brothers  &  Co. 


Roland,  Thomas  F. 

Satterlee,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Herbert  L. 

Schenck,  Frederick  B. 

Schermerhorn,  W.  C. 

Scott,  George  S. 

See,  Alonzo  B. 

Seillierre,  Baroness. 

Seligman,  Isaac  N. 

Sheldon,  James  O. 

Sherman,  Austin. 

Sherman,  B.  B. 

Sicher,  D.  F. 

Simpson,  John  W. 

Sloane,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  William  D. 

Smith,  Cornelius. 

Speyer,  Leo. 

Steers,  James  R. 

Stevens,  Frederick  K. 

Stewart,  John. 

Stokes,  J.  G.  Phelps. 

Stokes,  Oliver  E.  P. 

Stone,  Miss  Ellen  J. 

Sutton,  James  F. 

Talbot,  Charles  W. 

Taylor,  Lloyd. 

Terry,  I.  L. 

Thompson,  Mrs.  Frederick  F. 

Trumbull,  Frank. 

Tucker,  Allen. 

Tucker,  Samuel  A. 

Van  Nest,  Abram. 

Van  Norden,  Warner. 

Van  Winkle,  Miss  M.  D. 

Virgin,  S.  H. 

Van  Wagenen,  Bleecker. 

Walker,  W. 

Ward,  A. 

Watson,  Mrs.  James  S. 

Wetmore,  Samuel. 

White,  John  J. 

Willard,  Mrs.  Laura. 

Winthrop,  Mrs.  E.  V.  S. 

Winthrop,  Egerton  L. 

Wood,  W.  H.  S. 

Woolsey,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  E.  J. 

Wurts-Dundas,  Ralph. 

Zabriskie,  Andrew  C. 


(Cnntriiwtiira'  tint 
tiff  tyar  Enbtng  Urrrmlirr  31,  1911. 


(EonlrihuttouB  prrrrftrft  bg  namr  onlg  art  for  Ihr  Ointrral   jFum\      (Other  rontrt- 

hutiuttH  arr  murkrft  <u  fullnuiP:  <£  far  (Crnturg  JFunb.  E  tar   En&avmrnt 

Juno.   &   far   &prr<al   JFtmo. 


Abbott,  Lyrnan 

Achclis,  Fritz 

Achelis,  John 

Acker,  Henry 

Ackerman,  Ernest  R 

Adams,  C.  J 

Adams,  Mrs.  C.  Thayer. . . . 

Adams,  Daniel  C 

Adler,  Felix 

Adler,  Felix 

Adler,  Isaac 

Adler,  Jacob  &  Co 

Adriance,  H.  E 

Agnew,  A.  G 

Aikman,  Walter  M 

Aldrich,    Mrs.    James    Her- 
man   

Aldrich,  Mrs.  Richard 

Aldrich,  Mrs.  Sherwood .... 
Alexander,  Mrs.  Andrew  J. . 
Alexander,  Mrs.  Charles  B. . 

Alexander,  George 

Allen,  Mrs.  Paul 

Alley,  James  C 

Alley,  Miss  M.  Ida 

Alsop,  Reese  F 

Altmayer,  Mrs.  A.  E 

Amerman,  Miss  M.  F 

Amos,  Waldo  Adams 

Anderson,  A.  J.  C 

Andrews,  Constant  A 

Andrews,  George  W 

Ansbacher.  Mrs.  L.  A 

Anthony,  E.  G 

Appel,  S.  &Co 

Arkay  Rubber  Co 

Arkenburgh,  Mrs.  E.  J 

Armstrong,  Russell 

Arnold,  Edward  W.  C 

Arnold.  Mrs.  Glover  C 

Arnstein,  Mrs.  Eugene 

Arnstein,  Mrs.  Leo 

Arthur,  Miss  L.  Louise 

Ashforth,  Mrs.  Frida 

Asiel,  Miss  Estclle 

Astor,  Mrs.  John  Jacob.  . .  . 
Atterbury,  Mrs.  L.  B 


$  5  oo 

10  oo 

S     10  oo 

2  oo 

5  oo 

2  50 

8  oo 

I    OO 
10  00 

S     50  oo 

10   OO 

5  oo 

I    OO 
10  00 

5  oo 

5  oo 

S  i  oo 
5  oo 
i  oo 
10  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 

1  00 

3  oo 

2  OO 
2   OO 

5  oo 

5  oo 

IO  OO 

50  oo 

1  OO 
S        2   00 

2  OO 

10  OO 

5  oo 

5  oo 

25  oo 

5  oo 

10  OO 

5     10  oo 

2   OO 

10  OO 

2   OO 

100  OO 

5  oo 


Atterbury,  T.  T 

Atterbury,  Miss  Mary  S 

Auchincloss,  Mrs.  E.  S 

Auchincloss,  Mrs.  E.  S S 

Auchincloss,  Mrs.  E.  S.  Jr. . 

Auchincloss.  John  W 

Auerbach,  Joseph  S S 

Auchmuty,  Mrs.  R.  T 

Austen,  Mrs.  Valle 

Austin,  Mr.  &  Mrs.  Francis 

B 

Austin,  Nichols  &  Co 

Ayres,  Mrs.  Charles  G 

B 

Babcock,  H.  D S 

Babcock,  Miss  Maria 

Backus,  Charles  D 

Bacon,  Daniel 

Bacon,  Mrs.  F.  McN.  Jr.. . . 

Baerwald,  Mrs.  Paul S 

Bailey,  Mrs.  Theodoras.  .  . . 

Baird,  Miss  Jeanette 

Baird,  John  S S 

Baker,  George  F 

Bakewell,  Allan  C 

Baldwin,  Samuel  W 

Baldwin,  Miss  Theodora.. . . 

Baldwin.  W.  D 

Balfe,  Harry 

Balfour,  Williamson  &  Co.  . 

Ballard,  Mrs.  Edward  L 

Ballard,     Stephen,     Rubber 

Co 

Ballctto,  A 

Bamliergcr,  Alfred  H 

Bamberger,  Harry 

Bangs,  Dr.  L.  Bolton 

Bangs,  Miss  Lois  A 

Banks,  Tames  Lenox 

Banks,  Mrs.  James  Lenox... 

Banks,  Lenox 

Barber  &  Co 

Barbour,  Robert 

Barclay,  Mrs.  Tomes  L 

Barclay,  Mrs.  Sackett  M . . . 

Barker,  Mrs.  F S 

Barker,  Mrs.  P.  D 


$25  oo 

5  oo 

20  OO 
2O  OO 
15  00 

25  oo 

20  OO 

25  oo 
5  oo 

I    OO 

10  OO 

I    OO 


5  oo 

10  oo 

25  oo 

5  oo 

5  oo 

I    00 

5  oo 

5  oo 

5  oo 

25  oo 

1  00 

2  00 

5  oo 

5  oo 

5  oo 

25  oo 

10  OO 

2  OO 

3  oo 

2   00 

5  oo 
5  oo 

2  OO 

5  oo 
5  oo 

IO  OO 

5  oo 

5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 

3  oo 


199 


200 


CONTRIBUTOR'S  LIST. 


Barker,  Miss  M.  C 5 

Barlow,  Mrs.  Charles 

Barnes,  A.  V 

Barnes,  Charles  B S 

Barnes,  Edward  W 

Barnes,  Mrs.  H.  W 

Barnes,  Reon 

Barnes,  Richard  S 

Barnett,  Maurice 

Barnum,  Miss  Laura  C 

Barnum,  Mrs.  W.  M S 

Barrett,  Charles  E 

Bartlet,  Mrs.  H.  P 

Bartow,  Nevett  S 

Bates,  Alexander  C 

Bates,  Mrs.  B.  F 

Bates,  Mrs.  Harry  O 

Bat jer,  Henry 

Batjer  &  Co 

Battershall,  W.  W 

Battey,  Trull  &  Co 

Battie,  Miss  Annie  L S 

Battin,  Mrs.  Sylvester  S. . . . 

Battle,  George  Gordon 

Bayer,  Edwin  S 

Baylies,  Mrs.  N.  E 

Baylis,  Miss  Mary. ........ 

Baylis,  William 

Beach,  E.  J.  &  Co 

Beach,  Warren  C 

Beadleston,  Miss  Edith S 

Beall,  Mrs.  L.  L.  S 

Beard,  Curtis  J 

Beard,  Mrs.  William  H 

Beatty,  A.  Chester 

Bechstein,  Augustus  E 

Beck,  B.  J 

Beckhard,  Martin 

Beddall,  Mrs.  Edward  F 

Bedford,  Fred  T 

Beebe,  Mrs.  C.  E 

Beebe,  Mrs.  C.  E S 

Beeckman,  Miss  Martha  C. . 

Beekman,  John  N 

Beer,  Mrs.  G.  L 

Beer,  Mrs.  Julius 

Behr,  Edward 

Behr,  Herman,  &  Co 

Beinhauer,  Mrs.  F 

Belais,  David 

Belknap,  W.  E 

Beller,  A 

Beller,  Mrs.  A 

Beller,  William  F 

Belloni,  Mrs.  Louis  J 

Belloni,  Miss  Sadie  H 

Belmont,  August   &  Co.  ... 

Bement,  Miss  Harriet 

Bendheim,  A.  D 

Bendheim,  Henry 

Benedict,  Mrs.  Coleman. . . . 

Benedict,  Edward 

Benedict,  Eliot  S S 


;     i  oo  Benedict,  Miss  Lydia 

3  oo  Benjamin,  Mrs.  Eastburn. .  . 

5  oo  Benjamin,  Eugene  S 

i  oo  Benjamin,  Mrs.  J.  J 

i  oo  Benjamin,  Morris  W 

10  oo  Benkard,  Mrs.  J.  Philip.  .  . . 

5  oo  Bennett,  William  R 

10  oo  Benson,  Miss  Mary  A 

10  oo  Bentley,  Mrs.  John 

10  oo  Bentley,  Miss  Meta  E 

20  oo  Benton,  Andrew  A 

i  oo  Benzer,  F 

5  oo  Benziger,  Louis  G S 

i  oo  Berringer,  Jacob 

1  oo  Betts,  Edward  H 

5  oo  Bewer,  Julius  A 

5  oo  Bier,  Mrs.  Sylvan 

10  oo  Bigelow,  Lucius  H 

10  oo  Bigelow,  Mrs.  L.  H 

5  oo  Billings,  Charles  M 

5  oo  Billings,  Miss  Elizabeth .... 

2  oo  Billings,  Mrs.  Frederick .... 

i  oo  Billings,  Mrs.  Frederick .  .  .  .  S 

5  oo  Billings,  Frederick 

5  oo  Bing.  Alexander  M 

10  oo  Bingham,  Theodore  A 

5  oo  Bippart,  Achille 

1  oo  Birckhead,  Hugh 

5  oo  Bird,  Mrs.  Stafford 

5  oo  Bischofsheimer,  H. S 

5  oo  Bishop,  David  Wolfe 

2  oo  Blair,  B.  F 

2  oo  Blair,  Mrs.  D.  C 

20  oo  Blair  &  Co 

10  oo  Blakeman,  Mrs.  Birdseye... 

25  oo  Blandy,  Mrs.  Graham  F. . . . 

3  oo  Bliss,  Miss  Catherine  A.  ...  C 
10  oo  Bliss,  Ernest  C 

5  oo  Bliss,  William  H 

10  oo  Bloch,  Adolph 

1  50  Blood,  Samuel  S 

2  oo  Blumenthal,  George 

2  oo  Boardman,  Miss  R.  C 

15  oo  Bodenheimer,  Henry 

10  oo  Boettger,  Henry  W 

5  oo  Bogart,  Charles  W 

2  oo  Bogart,  John  B 

5  oo  Bogert,  Miss  Isabel 

5  oo  Bolton,  R.  W 

10  oo  Bonbright,  Irving  W 

5  oo  Bond,  Mrs.  A.  H 

2  oo  Bond,  John  M 

2 '  oo  Bonner,  G.  T 

5  oo  Bookman,  Mrs.  Jacob 

5  oo  Booraem,  J.  V.  V 

2  oo  Borden,  Alfred 

25  oo  Borg,  Simon,  &  Co 

2  oo  Boskowitz,  Adolph 

10  oo  Bourne,  Miss  Emily  H 

10  oo  Bowdoin,  George  S C 

i  oo  Bowers,  O.  H 

5  oo  Bowne,  Mrs.  Robert  S 

3  oo  Boynton,  Mrs.  Theodore  V. . 


3  oo 

10  oo 

10  oo 

5  oo 

5  oo 

10  oo 

2  OO 
I  OO 
I  OO 


00 


1  OO 

2  OO 
I  OO 
I  OO 
I  OO 

5  oo 
25  oo 
15  oo 

I  00 
I  00 

25  oo 

IO  OO 

25  oo 

10  00 

15  oo 

IO  OO 

25  oo 
9  97 

1  OO 
IOO  OO 

2  00 

15  oo 
25  oo 
25  oo 

IO  OO 
IOO  OO 

25  oo 

10  00 

5  oo 

20  OO 

25  oo 

IO  OO 
IO  OO 

5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 

IO  OO 

5  oo 
5  oo 

2  OO 
10  00 

3  oo 

20  oo 

10  00 
IO  OO 

5  oo 

5  oo 

250  oo 

5  oo 

2  00 
I  00 


CONTRIBUTOR'S  LIST. 


201 


Braokett,  George  C $10  oo 

Bradt-n,  William 10  oo 

Bradford,  Mrs.  W.  H 20  oo 

Bradley,  E.  L 5  OO 

Braine,  Mrs.  Theodore 10  oo 

Brand,  Herman I  oo 

Brandies,  Arthur  D 2  oo 

Braue,  I.  A 2  oo 

Brazier,  Miss  Emma  J 5  oo 

Brennan,  Mrs.  Michael 3  oo 

Brennei-ke,  George 1  oo 

Breslin.  Miss  Evelyn 3  oo 

Brettell,  George  W 2  oo 

Brewer,  Mrs.  George 

Emerson 1500 

Brewster,  Robert  S E  i  ,000  oo 

Brickelmaier,  J.  B 5  oo 

Bridgham,  Miss  Emily  C. .  .  5  oo 

Bridgman,  Mrs.  C.  De  Witt.  i  oo 

Bridgman,  Oliver  B I  oo 

Brinkerhoff,  Alexander  G. . .  5  oo 

Bristol,  John  I.  D 500 

Brittain,  William  F 2  oo 

Brokaw,  George  T S  200  oo 

Brooks,  Miss  B.  G 10  oo 

Brooks,  Thomas  J 500 

Browcr,  William  L 10  oo 

Brown,  Miss  Elizabeth 5  oo 

Brown,  Mrs.  F.  Q 5  oo 

Brown,  Mrs.  Frederick  5  oo 

Tilden 5  oo 

Brown,  Mrs.  George 

Alexander I  oo 

Brown,  Irving  Swan •  2  oo 

Brown,  Joseph  E 10  oo 

Brown,  M.  Bayard 250  oo 

Brown,  Miss  Margery 5  oo 

Brown,  Robert  1 500 

Brown,  S.  Seeley 10  oo 

Brown,  Miss  Stewart i  oo 

Brown,  Thomas  R 500 

Brown,  William  Adams 5  oo 

Brown,  Mrs.  William 

Reynolds 3  oo 

Browne,  H.  B 3  oo 

Browne,  Louis  L 200 

Browne,  T.  Quincey  Jr 5  oo 

Brownell,  Miss  Matilda  A.  .  250  oo 

Bruce,  Miss  Sarah  E 100  oo 

Brucker,  Carl 10  oo 

Brunswick,  Mrs.  Emanucl.  .  7  oo 

Brush,  W.  Franklin 5  oo 

Bryce,  Mrs.  Lloyd  S 10  oo 

Bryce,  Miss  Mary  T 5  oo 

Brydges,  Mrs.  Ralph  L I  oo 

Bucknall.  Mrs.  Henry 10  oo 

Buckner,  Thomas  A 10  oo 

Bulkley,  Edwin  M 25  oo 

Bulklcy,  Edwin  M S  20  oo 

Bulkley.  Mrs.  Edwin  M 2$  oo 

Bulkley.  L.  Duncan 10  oo 

Bull.  Alfred  M I  oo 

Bollock,  Mrs.  C.  A I  oo 


Bunker,  William $10  oo 

Burl >;ink,  A.  N 10  oo 

Burdick.  Miss  A.  Van  E S       2  oo 

Burlingham.  Charles  C 10  oo 

Burnett,  C.  H 5  oo 

Burnham,  Mrs.  L.  S i  oo 

Burns,  A.  L 2  oo 

Busch,  Briton  N 25  oo 

Butler,  Charles  Stewart .  .  .  .  S       5  oo 

Butler,  Edward  D i  oo 

Butler,  Miss  Emily  0 5  oo 

Butler,  Miss  Harriet  A 5  oo 

Butler,  Miss  Helen  C 5  oo 

Butler.  Howard  Russell ....  3  oo 

Butler.  Willard  Parker 5  oo 

Butler,  Mrs.  William  Allen..  5  oo 

Butler  Bros 25  oo 

Butterick,  Miss  Mary  E 10  oo 

Butterworth,  Mrs.  George  F.  5  oo 

Butterworth.  William  H. . . .  3  oo 

Byrne,  James 5  oo 


Cady,  E.  E 5  oo 

Cahen,  I.  J §  <   < 

Caiman,  Mrs.  Emma 5  oo 

Calvary       Church       Arch- 
deaconry Committee 15  oo 

Cammann,  Henry  J 2  oo 

Cammann,  Mrs.  Henry  L. . .  5  oo 

Cammann,  Miss  I.  M 5  oo 

Cammann,  Miss  K.  L 5  oo 

Camp,  Elisha  K I  oo 

Campbell,  James  R >  OO 

Campbell,  R.  M i  oo 

Campbell,  William  M 5  oo 

Canda,  Miss  Angelina 2  oo 

Canda,  Mrs.  Catherine  E. . .  5  oo 

Canda,  Miss  Emcline  A ....  S  2  oo 

Canfield.  Miss  E  lith  C 2  50 

Cannon,  Miss  Elizabeth ....  >  §0 

Cannon.  Mrs.  Sylvanus  T.. .  2  oo 

Carey,  Samuel 10  oo 

Carlebach  Mrs.  E l  oo 

Carnegie,  Andrew 100  oo 

Carnegie,  Mrs.  T.  M IOO  OO 

Carpenter.  Mrs.  Miles  B 20  oo 

Carrere  &  Hastings 25  oo 

Carter,  Mrs.  A S  200 

Carter,  Ernest  T 5  oo 

Carter,  Robert  A 10  oo 

Carter,  Samuel  T 10  oo 

Carters'  Ink  Co 5  oo 

Cary,  Miss  Kate 10  oo 

Cary.  Spencer  C S  500 

Case,  Mrs.  Clinton  P 3  oo 

Case.  Mrs.  George  B to  oo 

Caw.  Henry  Phelpjs 10  oo 

Castrce.  Miss  Louise 5  OO 

Catlin  &Co |  00 

Cauldwcll,  Mrs.  Thomas  W.. 

Cauldwcll.  Mrs.  W.  A 500 

Century  Co 2500 


202 


THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


Chaff ee,  Amasa  Day ,$  5  oo 

Chandler,  Porter  R I  oo 

Chapin,  Miss  Jennie  E 2  oo 

Chapman,  Miss  Flora I  oo 

Chapman,  Mrs.  H.  G 5  oo 

Chapman,  Miss  I.  M 10  oo 

Chapman,  Mrs.  John  Jay.. .  25  oo 

Chapman,  Miss  Mary  W .  .  .  3  oo 

Chappell,  F.  H 5  oo 

Charles  &  Co 5  oo 

Chauncey,  Miss  Lucy 12  oo 

Chesebrough,  Robert  A ....  5  oo 

Chester,  William  F 5  oo 

Child,  Miss  Ruth  A 3  oo 

Chisolm,  B.  Ogden 25  oo 

Chisolm,  George 25  oo 

Chisolm,  Mrs.  William  E . . .  50  oo 

Choate,  Joseph  H 100  oo 

Christ  Church 25  oo 

Christian,  E.  D 2  oo 

Church,  Charles  T 5  oo 

Church    of     the    Covenant 

Sunday  School 10  oo 

Clark,  Miss  Ella  Mabel.  ...  10  oo 

Clark,  F.  Ambrose 100  oo 

Clark,  Mrs.  Stephen  C S  50  oo 

Clark,  W.  Irving 10  oo 

Clark,  Walter  H S  2  oo 

Clarke,  A.  Keeney 5  oo 

Clarke,  E.  A.  S 2  oo 

Clarke,  Lewis  L 10  oo 

Clarke,  Miss  Madge  S 10  oo 

Clarkson,  Banyer 10  oo 

Clausen,  G.  U 10  oo 

Clements,  Mrs.  Caroline  D. .  5  oo 

Cleveland,  Mrs.  Charles  D..  10  oo 

Close,  Miss  Frances  H 5  oo 

Cluett,  George  B 25  oo 

Clyde,  George  W 500 

Clyde,  William  P 25  oo 

Cochran,  W.  H S  I  oo 

Coe,  Henry  C 10  oo 

Coe,  E.  B 10  oo 

Coffin,  C.  A 25  oo 

Coffin  &  Co 5  oo 

Coghill,  Miss  S.  A 5  oo 

Coit,  John  T 300 

Cole,  M.  Douglas 5  oo 

Coleman,  Charles  P i  oo 

Coleman,  Miss  Mary  Emma.  2  oo 

Coles,  J.  Ackerman i  oo 

Coley,  William  B 500 

Colfax,  Albert  E i  oo 

Colgate,  Gilbert 10  oo 

Colgate,  Miss  Roberta 10  oo 

Colgate,  William 50  oo 

Collins,  Charles 20  oo 

Collins,  Miss  Ellen 50  oo 

Collins,  Miss  Mary 10  oo 

Colman,  Samuel 5  oo 

Colt,  Harris  D.  Jr 5  oo 

Colt,  Mrs.  Stockton  B i  oo 

Condit,  Fillmore 5  oo 


Condit,  Frederick $300 

Cone,  John  J 200 

Conger,  Henry  C 10  oo 

Conklin,  Mrs.  Katherine. ...  2  oo 

Connell,  E.  T 20  oo 

Connell,  J.  Harvey 5  oo 

Connoly ,  Theodore i  oo 

Cook,  Mrs.  Charles  T 5  oo 

Coombe,  T.  Gorton 5  oo 

Copp,  Mrs.  William  A 10  oo 

Cooper,  J.  Fenimore 15  oo 

Cooper  &  Formaii 2  oo 

Cornell,  Edward 5  oo 

Cornwell,  Mrs.  Charles i  oo 

Coster,  Mrs.  Charles  Henry.  10  oo 

Coster,  Miss  Helen S  10  oo 

Cotte,  Raymond 2  oo 

Cox,  Mrs.  John  J 10  oo 

Coxe,  Mrs.  Davies 50  oo 

Crampton.  Edwin  H 5  oo 

Crane,  Mrs.  A.  B 2  oo 

Creutzborg,  Mrs.  Mary  F. . .  5  oo 

Crimmins,  Mrs.  Thomas 10  oo 

Cromwell,  Benjamin  F i  oo 

Cromwell,  Fred  M 500 

Cromwell,  James  W 100  oo 

Crosby,  Miss  Mary  R 5  oo 

Grossman.  Mrs.  Charles  S.  .  i  oo 

Crowell,  Frank 5  oo 

Crowell,  Frank S  5  oo 

Crowell,  Mrs.  J S  10  oo 

Cummock,  Mrs.  Victor  I ...  5  oo 

Curiel,  H 500 

Curtis,  Eugene  J 500 

Curtis,  Mrs.  F.  K 2  oo 

Curtis,  Mrs.  George 

William 10  oo 

Curtis,  Warren 10  oo 

Curtis,  William  E 500 

Cutler,  Mrs.  Willard  W I  oo 

Cutting,  R.  Bayard 50  oo 

Cutting,  Mrs.  William 

Bayard 20  oo 


Daly,  Eugene  V S       I  oo 

Daly,  Joseph  F i  oo 

Daly,  Mrs.  Marcus 25  oo 

Daly,  Mrs.  William  H 10  oo 

Dana,  Charles  A 25  oo 

Dana,  Miss  Janet  P 2  oo 

Danforth,  Mrs.  F.  J 5  oo 

Danforth,  Mrs.  George  H. . .  10  oo 

Daniels,  William  L 2  oo 

Dards,  Charles  A S       5  oo 

Darling,  Mrs.  William 3  oo 

Darrach,  Mrs.  E.  R 5  oo 

Davenport,  Julius  B 5  oo 

Davidge,  Mrs.  Mason  C. . . .  I  oo 

Davidson,  Mrs.  Morris 10  oo 

Davis,'  Miss  H.  Anna 10  oo 

Davison,  Miss  Ella  H 25  oo 

Day,  Mrs.  Henry  Mills 10  oo 


CONTRIBUTOR'S  LIST. 


203 


Day,  J $10  oo 

Dayton,  Ralph  E 3  oo 

Deas,  Mrs.  Helen  L 5  oo 

De  Bear,  Israel I  oo 

de  Castro.  Miss  Nathalie. . .  5  oo 

Decker,  Charles  A 1000 

de  Coppet,  E.  J 10  oo 

de  Coppet,  Henry 25  oo 

Dederer,  Miss  P.  H 3  oo 

de  Forest,  Henry  W 25  oo 

de  Forest,  Mrs.  Henry  VV. .  .  10  oo 

de  Forest,  Robert  W 15  oo 

de  Forest,  Mrs.  S.  K S  3  oo 

de  Gersdorff,  Carl  A 10  oo 

de  Gersdorff,  George  B 10  oo 

de  Graff,  James  W 10  oo 

de  Heredia,  Carlos  M 10  oo 

Dehon,  Miss  M.  H 25  oo 

De  Jonge,  Louis 5  oo 

De  Klyn.  B.  F 25  oo 

Delafield,  John  Ross 5  oo 

Delafield,  Mrs.  John  Ross.. .  5  oo 

Delafield,  Miss  Julia  L 10  oo 

Delafield,  M.  L 25  oo 

Delaney,  J.  M.  &  Co 5  oo 

Delapena,  Rudolph  A 2  oo 

Demuth,  Mrs.  Louis 5  oo 

Dennison,  C.  M 2  oo 

Denny,  Miss  Adeline  L 25  oo 

Denny,  Miss  Anna  E 10  oo 

.  Depew,  Frank 5  oo 

de  Peyster,  Miss  Augusta. .  .  25  oo 

de  Peyster,  Miss  Frances  G.  25  oo 

de  Rham,  H.  Casimer 5  oo 

de  Sola  Bros.  &  Pardo 2  oo 

Despard.  Clement  L 5  oo 

Devoe,  Frederick  W 25  oo 

Dewey,  George  E 10  oo 

Dey,  Anthony 10  oo 

Dick,  Mrs.  I.  Henry 5  oo 

Dickinson,  Mrs.  Horace. ...  2  oo 

Dickson,  J.  B 10  oo 

Diedrich,  Miss  M.  M 5  oo 

Dillingham,  Shepard 3  oo 

Dinsmore,  Mrs.  W.  B 10  oo 

Dobbins,  Edward  L 2  oo 

Dodd,  Mrs.  Frank  H 500 

Dodd,  LeeW 500 

Dodge,  A.  Douglas 10  oo 

Dodge,  Cleveland  H 25  oo 

Dodge,  D.  Stuart 25  oo 

Dodge,  Miss  Elizabeth  VV...  10  oo 

Dodge,  Francis  E 10  oo 

Dodge.  Miss  Grace  H 25  oo 

Doehlcr,  H.  H 10  oo 

Doerr,  Carl  F I  oo 

Dominick.  George  F 5  oo 

Dominick,  M.  W 10  oo 

Donaldson,  Mrs.  Henry  H..  10  oo 

Doob,  Mrs.  Moritz S  37  oo 

Dotter,  Charles  T 5  oo 

Doughty,  Miss  Harrette  H..  5  oo 

Douglas,  James 75  oo 


Dowd.  JohnJ $1000 

Downing,  Thomas  H 5  oo 

Draper,  Miss  Frances 2  oo 

Draper,  Mrs.  Henry 10  oo 

Draper,  Mrs.  William  P 5  oo 

Dreicer,  James  Huntington.  10  oo 

Drew,  Mrs.  John 10  oo 

Dreyfus,  Mrs.  Ella i  oo 

Drisler,  Mrs.  Herman 2  oo 

Droste,  Charles  F 10  oo 

Drummon,  A.  L i  oo 

Duane,  Alexander 5  oo 

Duane,  James  May S  10  oo 

Duane,  Mrs.  William  North.  2  oo 

Du  Bois,  Mrs.  Arthur 10  oo 

Du  Bois,  C.  D 10  oo 

Du  Bois,  Mrs.  E.  C S  10  oo 

Du  Bois,  Mrs.  Eugene 5  oo 

Dudley,  Miss  Fannie  G .  . .  .  S  2  oo 

Dudley,  William  B 2  oo 

Duer.  Miss  M.  T 500 

Duggin,  Mrs.  Charles 10  oo 

Dun,  R.  G.  &  Co 25  oo 

Duncan.  Miss  Grace  Leigh..  i  oo 

Dunham.  Mrs.  Carroll 10  oo 

Dunn,  Miss  C.  P 5  oo 

Durand,  Mrs.  Frederic S  15  oo 

Dutton.  E.  P 10  oo 

Duyal,  Mrs.  H.  R 12  oo 

Dwight,  Mrs.  M.  E 5  oo 

Dwight,  Stanley 10  oo 

Dyer,  Mrs.  F 200 

Dyer,  Mrs.  George  R 25  oo 

E 

Eagle,  Clarence  H 200 

Earnes,  John  C I  oo 

Easteman,  Miss  Lucy  P.  ...  25  oo 
Eastman,      Mr.      &      Mrs 

Lucius  R.  Ir 10  oo 

Eder,  James  M 300 

Edgar,  Mrs.  Adriana  A 10  oo 

Edmonds,  Mrs.  John  Worth.  2  oo 

Edwards,  J.  H 2  oo 

Egbert,  Mrs.  James  C 500 

Ehret,  George 25  OO 

Eidlitz,  Robert  James 10  oo 

Einstein,  Wolff  St  Co 5  oo 

Eiseman,  Mrs.  Samuel 5  oo 

Eiscmann,  G.  F |  OO 

Eldert.  Cornelius 5  oo 

Eldridge.  Frederick  L 5  oo 

EUlridgc,  Mrs.  Thomas  P.. .  5  oo 

Ellis,  Mrs.  W.  R 500 

Ellis,  William  D 5  oo 

Ellsworth,  J.  M 10  oo 

Ellsworth.  Mrs.  J.  M 5  oo 

Elmer.  C.  B S  5  oo 

Ely,  Smith  E  27,500  oo 

Emanucl,  Miss  Carolyn ....  2  oo 

Emmet  Devereaux 5  oo 

Emmet,  Miss  Lydia  P 2000 

Emtnons,  Arthur  B 25  oo 


204 


THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


Empire    Ornamental     Glass 

Co 

Erbsloh,  Rudolph  A 

Erskine,  Charles  W 

Estabrook,  Arthur  F 

Estes,  Webster  C 

Ewer,  Edward 

Ewing,  Thomas  Jr S 


F.  B.  Q.  Clothing  Co 

Faber,  L.  B 

Fagnani,  Charles  P 

Fallen,  John  J 

Faris,  William  D 

Fearey,  Mrs.  Morton  L.  .  .  . 

Feiner,  Benjamin  F 

Fell,  Horace  R S 

Ferguson,  Frederick  W S 

Field,  Mrs.  W.  D.  C 

Field,  Mrs.  William  H 

Fincke,  Mrs.  B.  C 

Fink,  Mrs.  M.  D 

Firuski,  Louis  L 

Fischer,  William  H 

Fisher,  C.  Irving 

Fisk,  Pliny 

Fisk,  Wilbur  C 

Fiske,  George  P 

Fitz-Simon,  William 

Flagg,  Mrs.  John  L 

Flatbush  Automobile  Co. ... 
Fleischmann,  Charles  M . . . . 

Flexner,  Mrs.  Simon 

Flint,  Austin 

Floersheimer,  Samuel S 

Floyd,  William 

Flurscheim,  Herman  A 

Fogg,  Marion  W 

Foot,  Sanford  D 

Foote,  Charles  S 

Foote,  Edward  B.  Jr 

Foote,  Mrs.  Turner 

Forbes,  C.  Van  Gelder 

Forbes,  Mrs.  J.  M 

Fosdick,  C.  L 

Foster,  F.  E 

Foster,  Frederic  de  P 

Foster,  Giraud 

Foster,  J.  Hegeman 

Foulke,  Mrs.  Mabel  P 

Fowler,  Miss  E.  A 

Fowler,  Miss  Ruth  D 

Fox,  Hugh  F 

Foxcroft,  Frederick  S 

Francis  Charles 

Francis,  Lewis 

Francis,  Mrs.  Lewis  W 

Frank,  Emil  H 

Frank,  Mrs.  Harry 

Frank  &  Du  Bois 

Frankenbach,  C.  E 

Frankfort,  Maurice 


£  i  oo 
5  oo 

3  oo 

25  oo 

i  oo 

I    OO 

5  oo 


2  OO 
I    OO 

IO   OO 

5  oo 

3  oo 
3  oo 
5  oo 

1  oo 
5  oo 
3  oo 

2  00 
I    OO 

IO  OO 

5  oo 

5  oo 

5  oo 

10  oo 

25  oo 

25  oo 

IO  OO 


I    OO 

5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 
3  oo 

10  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 

10  oo 

10  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 

10  oo 
5  oo 

IO  OO 
IO  OO 
IO  OO 
IO  OO 

5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 
3  oo 
10  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 

I    OO 

5  oo 


Franklin,  Mrs.  Emlen  P. ...  $  i  oo 

Fraser,  Mrs.  George  S 10  oo 

Fraser,  Miss  Jane  K 10  oo 

Frazee,  Jeremiah  S.  .......  10  oo 

Frazier,  Mrs.  Clara  D 100  oo 

Freeland,  Mrs.  H.  R 2  oo 

Freeman,  A S       5  oo 

Freineld,  George 5  oo 

Frelinghuysen,  Miss  Lucy. ..  15  oo 

French,  Daniel  C 500 

Frenkel,  Emil 3  oo 

Frey,  Joseph 3  oo 

Frost,  Aaron  V 50  oo 

Fuld,  Gus 5  oo 

Fuld,  Sol 10  oo 

Fuller,  Mrs.  C.  D 5  oo 

Fuller,  Miss  Dorothy 20  oo 

Fuller,  Mrs.  G.  A 2  oo 

Punch,  Edye  &  Co 25  oo 

Furniss,  Miss  C •       10  oo 

Furniss,  Miss  S.  R.  C 10  oo 

G 

Gabrilowitsch,  Mrs.  Clara.  .  25  oo 

Gallatin,  Mrs.  Albert  E .  .  .  .  5  oo 

Gallatin,  Mrs.  Albert  H . . .  .  60  oo 

Galloway,  Charles  T i  oo 

Cans,  Nathan 2  oo 

Gardner,  C.  B I  oo 

Garrettson,  Francis  T 5  oo 

Garrigues,  W.  A 10  oo 

Garrison,  Wilbert 10  oo 

Gass,  Frank 5  oo 

Geer,  Frederick  M 2  oo 

Geer,  Marshall 2  oo 

Geer,  Mrs.  Walter 50  oo 

Gerli,  Emanuel 5  oo 

Gerrish,  Frank  Scott 5  oo 

Gerry,  Elbridge  T 25  oo 

Gerry,  Peter  G 100  oo 

Gerstner,  A.  W 5  oo 

Getzen-Danner,  O.  G 5  oo 

Gibbs,  Miss  H.  D 2  oo 

Gibson,  Mrs.  Henry  S 2  oo 

Gilbert,  Benjamin  T i  oo 

Gilbert,  Clinton 10  oo 

Gillett,  William  K S       5  oo 

Gillis,  Frank  Le  G S       3  oo 

Glass,  Henry 5  oo 

Glemby ,  Philip S       5  oo 

Glogau,  Mrs.  Emile 5  oo 

Goddard,  Fred  L 5  oo 

Goddard,  Ira 5  oo 

Goddard,  Mrs.  R.  H.  1 19  oo 

Godfrey,  Miss  Alice  E 2  oo 

Gold,  Cornelius  B 50  oo 

Goldenberg  Bros.  &  Co 5  oo 

Goldman,  Mrs.  Marcus 2  oo 

Goldsmith,  Harry  B 5  oo 

Goldsmith,  Max S        I  oo 

Gombers,  Henry  B 2  oo 

Goodman,  A.  &  Son 5  oo 

Goodman,  Edwin 5  oo 


CONTRIBUTOR'S  LIST 


205 


Goodnow,  Mrs.  A.  P $  5  oo 

Gooclsell,  Mrs.  Percy  H.  . . .  10  oo 

Goodwin,  lames  J 25  oo 

Gorham,  Edwin  S S  500 

Gordon,  Mrs.  J.  W 10  oo 

Goss,  Mrs.  George  A 5  oo 

Gottheil.  Mrs.  P jj  OG 

Gould,  Edwin 100  oo 

Gould,  Miss  Helen  M 100  oo 

Grace,  Mrs.  Francis 5  oo 

Grace  Church 1 79  13 

Graeme,  Mrs.  Joseph  W. . . .  5  oo 

Graham,  John  S I  oo 

Gratewick,  W.  H 25  oo 

Gratz,   William   R.    Import 

Co S  2  oo 

Grau,  Louis i  oo 

Graves,  Miss  Ella  M 2  oo 

Gray,  Mrs.  Albert  Z 3  oo 

Gray,  Henry  G 500 

Gray,  Henry  Taylor 5  oo 

Gray,  John  Clinton 10  oo 

Greeff  &  Co 25  oo 

Green,  Mrs.  John  E^ 25  oo 

Green,  William 5  oo 

Greenbaum,  Mrs.  Samuel...  5  oo 

Greene,  J.  Ashton 10  oo 

Greene,  J.  W 4  oo 

Greenough,  John 10  oo 

Greenwood,  Miss  Mary  M . .  5  oo 

Greer,  David  H S  25  oo 

Gregory,  Henry  E 500 

Griscom,  Mrs.  C.  A 5  oo 

Griswold,  Lorenzo I  oo 

Grossmann,  Mrs.  Edward  A.  5  oo 

Grosvenor,  Miss  Rose  P. ...  10  oo 

Grunthal,  Edwin  A 3  oo 

Gm-rnsey,  Henry  W 10  oo 

Guinzberg,  Richard  A '  2  oo 

Guinzberg,  Mrs.  Victor 5  oo 

Guiterman,  P.  L 2  50 

Gurnee,  A.  C 10  oo 

Gurnee,  Mrs.  Walter  S 10  oo 


Haas,  Albert  H 500 

Hadden,  Alexander  M 10  oo 

Hadden,  Alexander  M S   125  oo 

Hadden,  Mrs.  Harold  F.  . . .  5  oo 

Hadden,  Mrs.  Harold  F S       5  oo 

Hadley,  Mrs*.  C.  L 2  oo 

Hage,  John  D 5  oo 

Hague,  Miss  Eleanor 2  oo 

Hamcs,  Charles  D 20  oo 

Haines,  Mrs.  Charles  D.  . . .  5  oo 

Haines,  Henry  F 500 

Haley.  Seabury  N 5  oo 

Halkett,  Baroness 100  oo 

Hall,  Mrs.  P.  C 200 

Hall.  Mrs.  Henry  B 5  oo 

Hall.  Miss  Mary  E I  oo 

Hall,  Mrs.  Valentine  G 5  oo 

Hall,  William  L 10  oo 


Halsey,  Mrs.  E.  D 

Ham,  James  M 

Hamersley,    L.    Gordon    & 

Miss  Catherine  L 

Hammond,  John  R 

Hampton,  Walter  E 

Handschin,  Miss  Elise 

Hard.  A.  W 

Harden.  Percival  L 

Hardenbergh,  T.  E 

Hardenbergh.  Mrs.  T.  E 

Hardy,  Mrs.  Alpheus  Sumner 

Hare,  J.  Montgomery 

Harkness,  E.  S 

Harkness,  L.  V S 

Harkness,  Mrs.  S.  V 

Harmon,  Mrs.  Frank  D.  . . . 
Harmon,  Mrs.  William  E. . . 
Harper,  Mrs.  Joseph  W .  .  . . 

Harrah,  Charles  J 

Harriman,  Mrs.  J.  Arden. . . 
Harris,  Mrs.  William  H.  .  .  .  S 

Harrison,  Mrs.  Mary  L 

Harrison,  Mrs.  William  H.  . 

Hasbrouck,  Mrs.  F 

Hasbrouck,  Lawrence 

Haskell.  Mrs.  J.  Amory 

Hasslacher,  Jacob 

Hatch,  Mrs.  Frederick  H.  .  . 

Hatters'  Fur  Exchange 

Hawks.  Miss  Man-  G 

Hay,  George  T 

Hay  den.  Mrs.  Horace  J .  .  . . 

Hayes,  Patrick 

Haynes.  Miss  Louise  de  P. . . 

Haynes,  W.  de  F 

Hazard.  F.  R 

Head.  Charles  &  Co 

Healy,  A.  Augustus 

Hearn,  lames  A.,  and  Son.  .  C 
Hearn.  James  A.,  and  Son . . 
Hcckschcr,  Mrs.  August. . . . 

Heide,  Henry 

Heilncr,  Percy  B 

Heilprin,  Louis 

Heimann.  Julius 

Heinemann.  Herman 

Hcinsheimer,  Alfred  M C 

Hcintz,  John  C 

Heiser.  Miss  Rosalie 

Heissenbuttel.  Frank  H .  .  .  . 
Hcissenbuttel.  Henry  C .  .  . . 

Heller,  David S 

Holler.  Miss  Eugenie  M  .  . . . 

Heller,  Miss  Louie  R 

Heller  &  Son 

Heller.  Hirsh.  &  Co 

Helmer.  George  I 

Hem  ken,  Mrs.  Albert  G. . . . 

Hencken,  Hancke 

Hencken,  Mrs.  William  P..  . 
Henderson,  Miss  Mary  W .  . 
Hcndricks,  Mrs.  Edgar 


%  5  oo 

5  oo 

10  OO 

5  oo 

1  OO 

2  00 
10  OO 

5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 

IOO  OO 

25  oo 
25  oo 

10  OO 
10  00 

5  oo 

50  00 
10  OO 

5  oo 

IO  OO 

1  OO 

2  OO 

2  OO 

3  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 

2  OO 
10  00 
10  OO 

5  oo 

5  oo 

25  oo 

i  •   Q 

10  OO 

IOO  OO 

25  oo 

10  OO 
10  00 

5  oo 

3  oo 
5  oo 

10  00 

]   00 

IO  OO 

I  00 

I  00 

5  oo 
25  oo 

I  00 
I  00 

5  oo 

3  oo 

i  oo 

50  oo 

5  oo 

10  OO 

5  oo 

5  oo 


2O6 


THE"  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


Hendrix,  Miss  Emma ' 

Henriques,  Mrs.  C.  A 

Henry,  Mrs.  Howard  H .  .  .  . 

Hentz,  Henry 

Hepburn,  W.  M 

Herbert,  Frederick  D.  .'.... 

Hermann,  Julius 

Hermann,  Julius S 

Herrman,  Arnold 

Herrmann,  Edward 

Herrmann,  M.  C 

Herzig,  Joseph S 

Herzog,  Miss  Caroline  N .  .  . 

Herzog,  Oscar  M 

Hess,  Edwin  H 

Hess,  L 

Hess,  Simon 

Hesse,  Louis 

Hewson,  John  H 

Hey  wood,  Miss  Edith 

Higbie,  James  S 

Higgins,  Andrew  Foster .... 

Higgins,  Arthur  S 

Hill,  James  A 

Hill,  Mrs.  Oliver  B 

Hills,  William S 

Hinchman,  Mrs.  Joseph .... 

Hine,  Edward  A 

Hirsch,  Mrs.  Herman 

Hirsch,  Nathan S 

Hitch,  Mrs.  F.  D 

Hochheimer,  A 

Hoe,  Mrs.  Richard  M 

Hoe,  Mrs.  Richard  M S 

Hoe,  Mrs.  Robert 

Hoe,  R.,  &Co 

Hoffman,,  Mrs.  E.  A 

Hoffman,  Emanuel  &  Son. . . 

Hoffman,  F.  B 

Hoffman,  Joseph  E 

Hoffman,  Miss  Mary  U .  .  .  . 
Hoffman,  Miss  Mary  U .  .  .  .  S 

Hoffman,  Samuel  V 

Holbrook,  Edward S 

Holden,  Mrs.  E.  B 

Holly,  Mrs.  Augustus  F .  .  .  . 
Holmes,  Electric  Protective 

Co 

Holt,  Miss  Constance  B .  . . . 

Holt,  Henry 

Holt,  Mrs.  L.  Emmett 

Holt,  Philetus  H 

Holt,  Robert  S 

Holter,  Mrs.  E.  O 

Homans,  Howard  P 

Hopkins,  Mr.  &  Mrs.  J.  A 

H : 

Hopkins,  Mrs.  Moses ...... 

Hoppin,  William  W 

Horsman,  Edward  I 

Hosmer,  Mrs.  E.  S 

Howard,  Mrs.  E.  W 

Howe,  Henry  M 


I  5  oo 

IO  OO 
IO  OO 
IO  OO 

6  oo 

OO 
OO 


OO 


OO 


5  oo 
i 

5 

a 
2 
5 


00 
00 

oo 
5  oo 

10  00 

5  oo 
5  oo 

IO   OO 

5  oo 
15  oo 

IO   OO 

5  oo 

1  00 

3  oo 

2  OO 
2    OO 

5  oo 
5  oo 

2    OO 

25  oo 
5  oo 

10  00 

45  oo 

IO   OO 

25  oo 

20  oo 

5  oo 

10  OO 

1  OO 

11  00 

20  oo 

IO   OO 

50  oo 

IO   OO 

2  OO 

IO  OO 
IO  OO 
IO  OO 
IO  OO 

5  oo 
20  oo 

IO  OO 

5  oo 

IO  OO 
IO  OO 

5  oo 

I    OO 

25  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 


Howe,  J.  Morgan 

Howells,  Miss  G.  I 

Howells,  Mrs.  H.  C 

Howes,  Reuben 

Howland,  Mrs.  Joseph 

Hoyt,  Miss  Gertrude  L 

Hoyt,  John  Sherman 

Hoyt,  Winfield  S 

Hubbard,  Charles 

Hubbard,  Thomas  H 

Hubbell,  A.  B 

Hubbell,  JohnE 

Hubert,  Conrad 

Hull,  Mrs.  George  H.  Jr.... 

Hun,  Marcus  T 

Hungerford,  Richard  S 

Hunt,  Arthur  R 

Hunt,  Miss  Ellen  D 

Hunter,  Mrs.  William  R 

Huntington,  Mrs.  C.  R. . . . 

Huntington,  F.  C 

Huntington,  Samuel  V.  V. . 

Hunton,  Logan  A 

Hunton,  McG.  D 

Kurd,  Wallace  W 

Hurley,  John  H 

Huss,  Henry  H 

Hussong,  George  C 

Husted,  A.  N 

Huyler,  Mrs.  Coulter 

Hyde,  Mrs.  Clarence  M .  . . 

Hyde,  Edward 

Hyde,  Ralph  M 

Hyde,  S.  M 

Hyde,  Mrs.  W.  H 

Hyman,  Mrs.  David 


Ilgen,  Ernest 

Illoway,  Henry 

Ilsley,  Mrs.  John  P .  . . 
Inslee,  Miss  Eliza. . . 
Irving,  Mrs.  Gugy  E . . 
Irving,  Miss  H.  C.  .  .  . 

Iselin,  C.  Oliver 

Iselin,  Oliver 

Iselin,  Mrs.  William .  . 

Iselin,  William  E 

Iselin,  William,  &Co. 

Iserson,  A.  S 

Isham.  Samuel 

Ives,  William  Jay 

Ivison,  Mrs.  David  B 


Jackson,  Mrs.  Joseph  C.  .  . 
Jackson,  Samuel  Macauley. 

Jackson,  Mrs.  W.  H 

Jacob,  Lawrence 

Jacobs,  J.  Randolph  &  Co. 

James,  Mrs.  D.  Willis 

Jameson,  E.  C 

Jenkins,  A.  B 


$  5  oo 

5  oo 

25  oo 

5  oo 

10  OO 

5  °° 

25  oo 

IO  OO 

1  OO 

50  oo 
5  oo 

10  00 

5  0° 
5  oo 

IO  OO 

25  oo 

5  0° 
25  oo 

IO  OO 

5  °° 

25  oo 

5  oo 

2  00 

5  oo 

1  00 

2  00 
2  OO 
I  OO 

5  oo 

IO  OO 
IOO  OO 

5  oo 

IO  OO 
IO  OO 

5  oo 

15  oo 


2  00 

I  OO 

I  OO 

10  00 

5  oo 

IO  OO 

25  oo 

IO  OO 

7  oo 

IO  OO 
IO  OO 

5  oo 

IO  OO 
IO  OO 
IO  OO 


6  oo 

75  oo 

IO  OO 

5  oo 
5  oo 

IOO  OO 

25  oo 
25  oo 


CONTRIBUTORS  LIST. 


207 


enkins,  Alfred  W 

ermain,  Miss  M.  C 

esup,  Mrs.  Morris  K 

ohnson,  Arthur  G 

ohnson,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Bur- 
gess  

ohnson,  E.  B 

ohnson,  G.  M.  T 

ohnson,  Gilbert  H 

ohnson, Isaac  B 

ohnson,  James  W 

ohnston,  D.  V.  R 

ohnston,  W.  A 

ohnston,  William  G 

ohnstone,  Mrs.  F.  U 

ones,  H.  Bolton 

'ones,    Mrs.    Mason 
shaw 

ones,  Paul  T 

ones,  W.  S 

oseph,  Mrs.  Laurens 

udkins  &  McCormick  Co . 

udson,  Henry  I 

uhring,  William  L 

ungbluth,  Karl 


Ren- 


Kane,  John  Innes 

Kane,  Mrs.  John  Innes 

Karelson,  Adolphus 

Kastor,  Adolph,  &  Bros.  . . . 
Kaufman,  Mrs.  Edward  S.  . 

Kaufman,  Mrs.  L 

Kaufmann,  B 

Kaufmann,  Julius 

Kayser,  Julius 

Keasbey,  Robert  A.  Co 

,  Edward  R 

Kellogg,  Mrs.  Charles 

Kellogg,  Herbert  S 

Kelsey,  C.  H 

Kempner,  Mrs.  Ida 

Kendall.  Mrs.  Edward  H... 

Kendall,  The  Misses 

Kenneth,  Mrs.  E 

Kent,  Miss  Ruth 

Kerr,  Mrs.  Louis  S 

Kerr,  Robert  C 

Kerr.  Walter 

Keteltas,  Miss  Alice 

Keyes,  E.  L 

Keys,  Miss  Alice  M 

Keys,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  H 

Kidd,  Mrs.  James 

Kiddc,  Walter 

Kidder,  Mrs.  A.  M 

Kidder,  Edward  H 

Kilborne,  C.  T 

Kimball,  A.  R 

Kimball,  Miss  Alice 

Kimball.  Mrs.  Paul  W 

King,  Elliott  H 

King,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Willard. 


$  5  oo 
30  oo 
50  oo 
25  oo 

5  oo 

2   OO 
2   OO 

50  oo 
25  oo 
25  oo 

IO   00 

5  oo 
5  oo 

IO   OO 

5  oo 
5  oo 

2   OO 

10  00 

I    OO 

5  oo 

IO   OO 

5  oo 

10   00 


25  oo 

IO   OO 

5  oo 

IO  OO 

5  oo 

2   OO 
IO  00 

5  oo 

25  oo 

5  oo 

1  00 
10   00 

5  oo 

25  oo 

5  oo 

10   OO 
IO   OO 

5  oo 

2  OO 
IO  OO 

25  oo 

2O  OO 
E   200  OO 

5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 

10  00 

5  oo 

25  oo 

5  oo 

10   00 
10   00 

5  oo 
5  oo 

I    00 

5  oo 


Kingsland.  Mrs.  W.  M $10  oo 

Kirstein,  Louis  E 500 

Kisam,  S.  H 20  oo 

Kissel,  Gtistav  E 10  oo 

Kittredge  S.  D 2  oo 

Knauth,  William 10  oo 

Knauth,  Nachod  &  Kuhne. .  20  oo 

Knopf,  Samuel '. . . .  5  oo 

Knothe.  A.  C S     10  oo 

Knox,  H.H 500 

Kobbe,  George  C i  oo 

Kornf eld,  Alfred  E 500 

Koster,  C.  H i  oo 

Kouwcnhoven,  Peter 10  oo 

Krans,  Mrs.  Edward  S 5  oo 

Kraus,  Samuel 10  oo 

Krauskopf ,  David 5  oo 

Kunhardt,  W.  B 2500 

Kursheedt,  Manuel  A 5  oo 

Kyle,  John  M 5  oo 


Land,  Mrs.  Caroline  L 5  oo 

Land,  Joseph  F S  25 

Landon,  Mrs.  Henry  H 10  oo 

Lane,  Francis  T.  L 5  oo 

Lane,  Miss  M.  F 10  oo 

Lane,  Wolcott  G 25  oo 

Lanfears",  Mrs.  Sunday 

School  Class 5  oo 

Langhaar,  H.  L 5  oo 

Langton,  John 50  oo 

Lanman  &  Kemp 5  oo 

Lascoff,  J.  L i  oo 

Lasher  &  Lathrop 5  oo 

Lathers,  Miss  Agnes  10  oo 

Lawrence,  Miss  Emma 

McA i  oo 

Lawrence,  Frank  R 10  oo 

Lawrence,  John  Burling.  ...  25  oo 

Lawrence,  John  L 500 

Lawrence,  Mrs.  Samuel.  ...  5  oo 

Lawrence,  Walter  B S  10  oo 

Lawrence,  William  W 20  oo 

Leaman,  Walter  E 2  oo 

Learned,  C.  M 2  oo 

Lcask,  Edwin  M 2  oo 

Lcdercr,  Emanucl 2  oo 

Lee,  Mrs.  G i  oo 

Lee,  John  Lorton 10  oo 

Lee,  Samuel 5  oo 

Lee,  William  H.  L 10  oo 

Lceb,  Alfred 5  oo 

Leech.  Mrs.  John  E 5  oo 

LcfTingwell.  R.  C 50  OO 

Lchmaier.  James  M 10  oo 

Ixrland,  Mrs.  Charles  H.  . . .  15  oo 

Lcmlcin,  Asa S  200 

Lenox  Avenue  Unitarian 

Church 5  oo 

Lenox  Avenue  Unitarian 

Church,      Social     Service 

Class 5  oo 


208 


THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


Lenox     Avenue     Unitarian 

Church,  Womens'  Alliance  $  5  oo 
Lenox  Avenue  Unitarian 

Church,     Mrs.     Wright's 

Class 2  50 

Lent,  W.  D 10  oo 

Leonard,  T.  M 5  oo 

Lesher,  Mrs.  S.  R 5  oo 

Lester,  Miss  Elizabeth 25  oo 

Levy,  Emil 2  oo 

Levy,  Ephraim  B 500 

Levy,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Leo 2  oo 

Levy,  William 10  oo 

Lewisohn,  Adolph 5  oo 

Lewisohn,  Mrs.  Albert 10  oo 

Lewisohn,  The  Misses  Alice 

and  Irene 250  oo 

Lidgerwood,  John  M 50 

Liebman,  Mrs.  Adolf S  16  oo 

Liebman,  Joseph 10  oo 

Life,  Mrs.  S.  J 5  oo 

Lincoln,  Lowell 5  oo 

Lincoln,  Mrs.  Lowell 5  oo 

Lindholm,  Miss  Emelie 2  oo 

Lion  Brewery,  The 10  oo 

Liscum,  Mrs.  Emerson  H . . .  i  oo 

Lissner,  H.,  and  Co 10  oo 

Livingston,  Miss  Julia 10  oo 

Locke,  John  M 300 

Lockwood,  Mrs.  Frederick 

W ; S  10  oo 

Lockwood,  Homer  N 10  oo 

Loeser,  Mrs.  Vincent 10  oo 

Logan,  Mrs.  Walter  S 5  oo 

Logie,  Robert 10  oo 

Lohrke,  Otto  E 500 

Loines,  Mrs.  Stephen 25  oo 

Loomis,  Sherman 10  oo 

Lord,  Mrs.  George  de  Forest.  10  oo 

Lord,  James  F S  10  oo 

Lorentzen,  Mrs.  Carl  C.  .  .  .  5  oo 

Lorsch,  E.  S 10  oo 

Lorsch,  Mrs.  Henry S  3  oo 

Loveland,  John  W 500 

Lovell,  Mrs.  Franklyn  H.  Jr.  15  oo 

Low,  Seth 10  oo 

Low,  William  G 25  oo 

Low,  Mrs.  William  G 10  oo 

Lowell,  Miss  Carlotta  R. . .  .  25  oo 
Ludington,  Miss  Mary 

Louise S  10  oo 

Ludlam,  Mrs.  Charles 

Stewart S  2  50 

Ludlam,  George  P 10  oo 

Ludlow,  Edward  L 10  oo 

Ludlow,  William  O 2  oo 

Ludlum,  Albert  C 500 

Lueders,  George,  &  Co 5  oo 

Lupton,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  F.  M.  20  oo 

Lusk,  Mrs.  Graham 5  oo 

Lydig,  David S  10  oo 


Lyford,  O.  S $10  oo 

Lyle,  George  W 5  oo 

Lyman,  Joseph 5  oo 

Lynes,  Miss  Grace  E 10  oo 

Lyon,  Charles  O S  8  oo 

M 

McAfee,  James  R 5  oo 

McBee,  Silas S  10  oo 

McCagg,  Louis  B 20  oo 

McClain,  J.  F 5  oo 

McClellan,  Mrs.  George  B. .  10  oo 

McClymonds,  Mrs.  L.  K.  . .  100  oo 

McConnell,  Frank  W 5  oo 

*McCook,  John  J 10  oo 

McCord,  William  H 25  oo 

McCrea,  Nelson  G 10  oo 

McCreery,  Mrs.  James 10  oo 

McCutcheon,  James,  &  Co..  10  oo 

McEwan,  Thomas  Jr 2  oo 

McGeoch,  Arthur  N 10  oo 

McGovern,  Mrs.  James.  .  .  .  S  3  oo 

Mclndoe,  Walter  J 1000 

McKim,  John  A : . .  10  oo 

McKim,  Le  Roy 10  oo 

McKinney,  Price S  120  oo 

McLane,    Mrs.    Adelaide   L  5  oo 

McLane,  Guy  R 20  oo 

McMillin,  Emerson 50  oo 

McQueen,  D.  P 20  oo 

MacMartin,  Malcom 10  oo 

MacMurray,  Mrs.  H.  V.  A..  5  oo 

MacNeil,  H.  A 3  oo 

Mack,  Marc  H 25  oo 

Mackay,  Henry S  10  oo 

Maclaren  &  Gentles 10  oo 

Macy,  V.  Everit 25  oo 

Macy,  William  H.  Jr 10  oo 

Magee,  James 5  oo 

Mager,  Mrs.  F.  Robert 10  oo 

Main,  William 5  oo 

Major,  Miss  Maria  T 10  oo 

Manierre,  Charles  E 10  oo 

Manning,  W.  F 10  oo 

Mansfield,  Howard 5  oo 

Mantler,  Ignatz 5  oo 

March,   The   Misses  E.    G. 

and  V.  A 2  oo 

Marie,  Mrs.  S.  S 5  oo 

Marlor,  Henry  S 5  oo 

Maron,  Otto 5  oo 

Marrow,  I.  L.,  &  Co 2  oo 

Martin,  Alfred  W 2  oo 

Martin,  Miss  Florence  C.  .  .  5  oo 

Martin,  John 5  oo 

Martin,  William  V 5  oo 

Martinez,  Miguel  R 5  oo 

Marvin,  D.  M 5  oo 

Marwick,  James 25  oo 

Marx,  Joseph  L 5  oo 

Mason,  Alfred 2  oo 


*  Deceased. 


CONTRIBUTOR'S  LIST. 


Massey,  George $500 

Master,  Samuel  C 100 

Mathews,  Charles  T 5  oo 

Mathewson,  Mrs.  Douglas. .  i  oo 

Matzner,  Mrs.  A 100 

Maurice,  C.  S 20  oo 

Maurice,  Miss  Marian 5  oo 

Maxwell,  Mrs.  Mary  A 10  oo 

Maxwell,  Mrs.  Mathilda....  2  oo 

Maynard,  Miss  Helen  L. . . .  5  oo 

Meade,  Mrs.  Rebecca  P . . . .  i  oo 

Meighan,  Burton  C i  oo 

Mcigs,  Ferris  J 1000 

Mfigs,  Mrs.  Titus  B 10  oo 

Merriam,  Miss  Annie  L.  .  .  .  5  oo 

Merrill,  Mrs.  Charles 20  oo 

Meserole,  Abraham 10  oo 

Meserole,     Mrs.     Catherine 

M i  oo 

Messer,  William S  10  oo 

Metcalf  Bros.,  &  Co 25  oo 

Metropolitan  Tobacco  Co.. .  5  oo 

Metzger,  Mrs.  Jacob 2  oo 

Meyer,  William  &  Co 10  oo 

rs,  Edwin  L 500 

Middlebrook,  Mr.  and  Mrs. 

William  W 200 

Middleton  &  Co 10  oo 

Milhank,  Mrs.  Joseph 50  oo 

Miles,  Samuel  A 5  oo 

Miller,  Mrs.  Alexander 10  oo 

MilK-r,  Charles  P 10  oo 

Miller,  Miss  Dorothy I  oo 

Miller,  George  Macculloch..  S  5  oo 

Millet.  Mrs.  E.  C S  10  oo 

Milligan,  Charles 2  oo 

Mills,  Mrs.  Mountfort  M...  3  oo 
Millspaugh,    Dr.    and    Mrs. 

Louis  C 400 

Minford,  Miss  Agnes  A 5  oo 

Minturn,  Mrs.  B.  H 10  oo 

Minturn,    Mrs.   John   Wen- 
dell   10  oo 

Minturn,  Mrs.  Robert  B.. .  .  25  oo 

Minturn,  Robert  Shaw 5  oo 

Mitchell,  lames  B 5  oo 

Miuhcll,  Mrs.  John  M 10  oo 

Mitehell,  Mrs.  Moncrieff —  5  oo 

Mitehcll,  S.  Roger 5  oo 

Mitehell,  Mrs.  Sarah  L 5  oo 

MofTat,  R.  Burnham 10  oo 

Molineux,  Edward  L 50° 

Molineux,  Roland  B 10  oo 

M  oiler,  Edwin  Clarence.  ...  20  oo 

M<>ntant,  Alphonsc 5  oo 

Monteath,  Miss  Sara  1 3  oo 

Montgomery,  Henry  6 5  oo 

Montgomery,  James  M 10  oo 

Montgomery,  Mr.  and  Mrs. 

John  S S  i  oo 

Moody,  Harry  A 10  oo 

Moore,  F.  C 10  oo 

Moore,  Miss  Faith 10  oo 


Moore,  Miss  K.  T 

Moore,  Paul 

Morgan,  Mrs.  J.  Pierrepont. 
Morgan,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  J. 

Pierrepont  Jr 

Morgan,  Miss  Mary  P 

Morgan,  William  Fellowes. . 
Morgan  Mrs.  William 

Fellowes 

Morgenstern,  Albert  G 

Morganstern,  Mrs.  Emma. . 

Morganthau,  M.  L 

Morningstar,  Joseph 

Morris,  Mrs.  John  A 

Morris,  Mrs.  William 

Moses,  Mrs.  Emanuel 

Moses,  Mrs.  Raphael  J S 

Mott,  Lewis  F 

Mott,  William  F 

Mott,  J.  L.,  The  Iron  Works. 

Mount,  Miss  Adeline 

Mount  &  Woodhull 

Mueller,  Charles  F 

Muller,  Schall  &  Co 

Munger,  Harry  C 

Munn,  Charles  A 

Munnich,  Mrs.  Adeline  M .  . 
Munroe,  Mrs.  Chester  C. . . . 
Murray,  Miss  Catherine. . . . 
Myers,  Mrs.  J.  K 

N 
Naething,  Mrs.  Charles  F. . . 

Nathan,  Mrs.  Harmon 

Neave,  Mrs.  Charles 

Nelson,  Mrs.  Charles  N  .  . . . 

Nelson,  George  F 

Neustadt,  Mrs.  S S 

Neustadter,  Mrs.  Caroline. . 

Nichols,  Mrs.  Acosta 

Nichols,  Mrs.  Edward  T 

Nichols,  Seth 

Nichols,  William  H 

Nichols,  William  W 

Nicoll,  James  Craig 

Nielson,  S 

North,  Nelson  L 

Northrup,  Mrs.  William  P.. 

Norton,  Mrs.  Frank  L 

Norton,  I.  L 

Not,  Mrs.  Edward 

Noyes,  Mrs.  Henry  D 


Oakley,  Mrs.  Walton '. . 

O'Connor,  Thomas  H 

O'Conor,  John  Christopher. . 

O'Dell.  Daniel 

Oelrichs  &  Co 

Ogden,  Mrs.  Charles  W 

Ogdcn,  Miss  Mary  L 

Ogden  &  Wallace 


209 

$IO  OO 

25  oo 
25  oo 

50  oo 

2  OO 

15  oo 

10   OO 

5  oo 

3  oo 

10  OO 

5  oo 

10   00 

2  00 

3  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 

IO   OO 

5  oo 

2   00 

5  oo 

5  oo 

20  oo 

5  oo 

IO   OO 
2  OO 

5  oo 

2   OO 

5  oo 


5  oo 

10   OO 

5  oo 
50  oo 

5  oo 
35  oo 
20  oo 

IO  OO 
IO   OO 

5  oo 

10    .xi 

5  oo 
5  oo 

10   OO 

5  oo 

2  OO 
10  OO 
IO  00 

I  00 
10  OO 


5  oo 

25  oo 

5  °° 

5  oo 

IO  OO 
IO  OO 
IO  OO 
10  00 


210 


THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


Ogilvie,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  J.  S. .  $  5  oo 

Olcott,  Dudley 25  oo 

Olcott,  Mrs.  E.  E 5  oo 

Olcott,  George  M 25  oo 

Oliphant,  James  H.  &  Co. . .  5  oo 

Olmsted,  Mrs.  Charles  Tyler.  15  oo 

Olney,  Mrs.  Peter  B i  oo 

Olyphant,  F.  M 5  oo 

Olyphant,  R.  M 10  oo 

O'Neill,  Mrs.  Hugh 10  oo 

Oothout,  Mrs.  Ja'ne  E 10  oo 

Opdycke,  Mrs.  Emerson. ...  10  oo 

Opdycke,  William  S 5  oo 

Openhym,  Mrs.  Adolphe. ...  5  oo 

Openhym,  William  &  Sons. .  10  oo 

Oppenheim,  Mrs.  Laurent .  .  2  oo 

Oppenheimer,  Henry  S 5  oo 

Oppenheimer,  Louis  S 5  oo 

Oppenheimer  Bros.,  &  Co.. .  10  oo 

Orr,  Alexander  E 20  oo 

Orth,  Charles  D 10  oo 

Osborn,  Mrs.  George  W. . . .  i  oo 

Osborn,  William  Church 25  oo 

Osborne,  Dean  C 10  oo 

Osborne,  Thomas  Mott 5  oo 

Osgood,  Charles  H 10  oo 

Ostrom,  Mrs.  H.  1 5  oo 

Otis,  Miss  Alia 5  oo 

Otterson,  Miss  Lucy 5  oo 

Ottley,  James  H 10  oo 

Oudin,  Mrs.  Lucien 10  oo 

Owens,  William  W.  Jr S       5  oo 


Page,  Frederick  P 5  oo 

Paris,  Mrs.  Francis  U S     20  oo 

Parish,  Edward  C 500 

Parish,  Henry 50  oo 

Parish,  Miss  Susan  D 25  oo 

Parker,  Miss  Alice  G 10  oo 

Parker,  Mrs.  Gordon 10  oo 

Parker,  Mrs.  Neilson  T S       2  oo 

Parker,  R.  M 5  oo 

Parkin,  The  Misses 10  oo 

Parsons,  Mrs.  Charles 10  oo 

Parsons,  Mrs.  Edwin 50  oo 

Parsons,  Mrs.  Egerton i  oo 

Parsons,  Mrs.  F.  T 10  oo 

Parsons,  John  E 10  oo 

Parsons,  Mrs.  John  E 25  oo 

Parsons,  William  B 5  oo 

Passavant  &  Co 5  oo 

Paterson,  Mrs.  Myra  D .  .  .  .  5  oo 

Patterson,  J.  W 5  oo 

Pattison,  Miss  S.  S 10  oo 

Pavenstedt,  Adolph 20  oo 

Pavenstedt,  Hugo S     50  oo 

Pavey,  Frank  D : . .  10  oo 

Payne,  Miss  S.  K 3  oo 

Peabody,  Mrs.  F.  F 25  oo 

Peabody,  George  Russell 2  oo 


Pearl,  Mrs.  Frederick  W. . .  .  $50  oo 

Pearson,  Mrs.  Frederick. .  . .  S  10  oo 

Pearson,  Miss  Josephine  S. .  3  oo 

Peck,  Miss  Ellen  W 5  oo 

Peck,  William  E.  &  Co 5  oo 

Peckham,  Mrs.  Wheeler  H...  25  oo 

Pederson,  James 2  oo 

Pegram,  Edward  Sanford. .  .  S  5  oo 

Pegram,  G.  Lawrence 6  oo 

Peierls,  Siegfried 5  oo 

Pell,  Alfred  Duane 10  oo 

Pell,  Mrs.  H.  H S  5  oo 

Pell,  James  D 1000 

Penfold,  Miss  Josephine. ...  25  oo 

Pepper,  C.  H i  oo 

Perkins,  Miss  Dorothy 5  oo 

Perkins,  Mrs.  E.  H.  Jr 10  oo 

Perkins,  Mrs.  G.  W 25  oo 

Perkins,  Mrs.  Gilman  H. . . .  2  oo 

Perry,  W.  Herbert 2  oo 

Peters,  Miss  Alice  R 5  oo 

Peters,  E.  B 5  oo 

Peters,  Mrs.  W.  R 5  oo 

*Peters,  William  R 1000 

Peterson,  Mrs.  Wilson 5  oo 

Pfister  &  Vogel  Leather  Co.  5  oo 

Phelps,  Mrs.  Charles 5  oo 

Phelps,  Mrs.  Von  R 25  oo 

Phelps,  Mrs.  William  W 50  oo 

Philbrick,  Edwin  C 5  oo 

Phipps,  Miss  Ada 5  oo 

Phraney,  Mrs.  Francis  S.. . .  10  oo 

Pillot,  Miss  Clara 15  oo 

Pinchot,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Amos 

R.  E 10  oo 

Pinchot,  Mrs.  James  W .  .  .  .  25  oo 

Pinkerton,  Allan 10  oo 

Pitkin,  Mrs.  A.  J 25  oo 

Pitkin,  William  F 12  oo 

Planten,  John  R 10  oo 

Plaut,  Albert 10  oo 

Pohlmann,  George 2  oo 

Polk,  Dr.  and  Mrs.  William.  10  oo 

Pollak,  Mrs.  G 3  oo 

Pollak,  Gustav 5  oo 

Pomroy,  Mrs.  H.  K 25  oo 

Poor,  Mrs.  Charles  L 5  oo 

Poor,  Mrs.  James  H 25  oo 

Pope,  Miss  Elizabeth  A.  ...  5  oo 

Pope,  Miss  Theodate 10  oo 

Porter,  Clarence 10  oo 

Post,  Abram  S 5  oo 

Post,  Mrs.  Carroll  J.  Jr .  .  .  .  5  oo 

Post,  James  H 25  oo 

Potisky,  Mrs.  H.  J 50 

Potter,  Miss  Blanche 10  oo 

Potts,  Mrs.  William  B S  4  oo 

Pouch,  Alonzo  B 500 

Pouch,  F.  E 5  oo 

Powell,  Bradford S  .    I  oo 

Pratt,  Mrs.  Charles 10  oo 


*  Deceased. 


CONTRIBUTOR'S  LIST. 


211 


Pratt,  Herbert  L 

Pratt,  S 

Pn.slR.-y,  Mrs.  Stella  S 

Presbrey,  Clifton  H 

Preston,  Mrs.  Sarah  Fuller.. 
Proudfit,  Mrs.  Alexander. .  . 

Pruyn,  Mrs.  Charles  L 

Pruyn,  Mrs.  Robert  H 

Pryor,  Mrs.  S.  Morris 

PuRh,  Thomas 

Pulitzer,  Miss  Constance.  . . 
Purrington,  Miss  Amelia  J. . 
Putnams',  G.  P.,  Sons 


R.  &  G.  Corset  Co 

Raff,  Mrs.  Norman  C 

Ramsey,  William  H 

Ramsperger,  Gustav 

Randolph, Mrs.  Theodore  F. 

Rapoport,  Jacob  &  Co 

Rathbone,  Richard  C 

Raw  Products  Co 

Raymond,  R.  W 

Read,  William  A 

Reckitts 

Redmond,  Miss  C 

Redmond,  Miss  Emily 

Redmond,  Mrs.  Henry 

Rees  &  Rees 

Reese,  Mrs.  William  H 

Remington,  H.  W 

Renard,  Mrs.  Fred  O 

Requa,  Mrs.  C.  A 

Reutter,  Mrs.  Robert 

Rhoades,  Miss  I.  H 

Rhoades,  Mrs.  Lyman 

Rhoades,  Miss  Nina 

Rich,  B.  A 

*Richard,  Mrs.  Auguste. . .  . 

Richard,  Miss  Elvine 

Richards,  E.  G 

Kit  hards,  Eben 

Richards,  Mrs.  Eben 

Richards  &  Heald 

Richardson  Brothers 

RigKS  George  C 

•Rikcr,  Samuel 

Ripk-y,  MissS.  S 

Risloy,  G.  H 

.  George  L 

Robbins,  Mrs.  Horace  W.  .  . 

Robbing,  William  H 

Roberts,  Charles  L 

Roberts,  G.  Theodore 

Roberts,  John  E 

Roberts,  Mrs.  M.  L 

Robertson,  R.  H 

Robertson,  William  A 

Robinson,  Mrs.  Douglas. . . . 
Robinson,  Eli  K 


$25  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 

1  OO 

2  OO 

3  oo 

IO   OO 

5  oo 

2   OO 

I    00 

IO   OO 

5  oo 

IO   OO 


5  oo 

1  OO 
20  00 

2  OO 

5  oo 
5  oo 

I  OO 
10  00 
10  00 

25  oo 
5  oo 

1  OO 

20  oo 

2  00 

5  oo 

1  OO 

2  OO 

3  oo 

10   00 
10  00 

20  oo 

10   OO 
IO   OO 

5  oo 
25  oo 

IO   OO 

20  oo 

IO   OO 

5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 

10   00 
2   00 

50  oo 

IO   OO 

5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 

10   OO 

5  oo 

50  oo 

5  oo 

5  oo 

25  oo 


Robinson,  Henry  J $10  oo 

Robinson,  Miss  Julia  E 5  oo 

Robinson,  Mrs.  Kenneth  D.  5  oo 

Robinson,  Mrs.  Thomas  D..  5  oo 

Rockefeller,  John  D 500  oo 

Rockwood,  George  G i  oo 

Rodewald,    Miss   A.    Leon- 
tine  3  oo 

Roe,  Livingston i  oo 

Rogers,  Miss  Elizabeth  F. . .  5  oo 

Rogers,  Francis 5  oo 

Rogers,  Mrs.  H.  H 10  oo 

Rogers,  Mrs.  W.  B 5  oo 

Root,  Charles  T 50  oo 

Rose,  Henry  R i  oo 

Rosenbaum,  Selig 10  oo 

Rosenbaum,  Solomon  G. . . .  10  oo 

Rosenberg,  Mrs.  William ...  i  oo 

Rosenfeld,  Edward  L 4  oo 

Rosenthal,  Miss  M.  Grace. .  i  oo 

Ross,  W.  A.  &  Bro 10  oo 

Rossbach,  Jacob 10  oo 

Rothbarth,  Albert 10  oo 

Rothschild,  Mrs.  Jacob 5  oo 

Royce,  James  C i  oo 

Rusch  «  Co 10  oo 

Rushmore,  J.  D .  2  oo 

Russell,  Mrs.  Elwood  W 2  oo 

Russell,  Mrs.  Howland 2  oo 

Russell,  James  W 2  oo 

Ruston,  C.  Jr i  oo 


St.  Tames  P.  E.  Church ....  25  oo 

St.  Michael's  Church 6  oo 

St.  Thomas'  Church 109  72 

Sabin,  Charles  H 10  oo 

Sabine,  William  T 10  oo 

Sachs,  Paul  J 500 

Sachs,  Samuel 25  oo 

Sachs,  Mrs.  Samuel 10  oo 

Sackett,  Henry  W 500 

Sage,  Dean 200  oo 

Sahler,  Mrs.  A.  F 5  oo 

Sahlcr,  Miss  Helen  G 5  oo 

Saks,  Isadorc 10  oo 

Salant,  Aaron  B 500 

Samuel  Bros 5  oo 

Sanford.  Edward  T 5  oo 

Sanger,  Isaac 5  oo 

Sard,  Grange 10  oo 

Satterthwaite,  Mrs.  Thomas 

E 15  oo 

Saul.  Charles  R $  OO 

Saundcrs,  Arthur  C 5  oo 

Sawyer,  Dccatur  M 10  oo 

Sawyer,  Mrs.  H.  E 3  oo 

Sayre,  Miss  Mary  Hall $  OO 

Sayres.  Gilbert  y I  oo 

Schcnck,  Frederick  B 10  oo 

Schenck,  Miss  Susan  B 5  oo 


•Deceased. 


212 


THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


Schermerhorn,  F.  Augustus.  $25  oo 

Schieffelin,  Mrs.  William  H..  5  oo 

Schieffelin,  Mrs.  William  J. .  15  oo 

Schieffelin,  Mrs.  William  J . .  S  5  oo 

Schieren,  Mrs.  Charles  A.  .  .  5  oo 

Schiff ,  Jacob  H S  100  oo 

Schmidt,  F.  Leopold 5  oo 

Schneiwind,  Heinrich  Jr.  ...  10  oo 

Schramm,  Frederick i  oo 

Schultheis,  Henry 2  50 

Schuyler,  Miss  Georgina. ...  5  oo 

Schuyler,  Miss  Louisa 5  oo 

Schwab,  Miss  Emily 5  oo 

Schwartz,  Louis  F 10  oo 

Schwarz,  Henry  E i  oo 

Schwarzenbach,  Robert  J.  F.  2  oo 

Scofield,  Henry  C 500 

Scott,  Donald 10  oo 

Scott,  George  S 50  oo 

Scott,  Mrs.  George  S 10  oo 

Scott,  Miss  Louise  B 10  oo 

Scott,  Peter 5  oo 

Scott,  Walter 5  oo 

Scoville,  Miss  Grace 100  oo 

Scribner,  Mrs.  Arthur  H..  .  .  10  oo 

Scribner,  Mrs.  I.  Blair 20  oo 

Seager,  Henry  R 500 

Seaman,  Lloyd C  100  oo 

Sedgwick,  Henry  D 5  oo 

See,  A.  B.  Electric  Elevator 

Co 15  oo 

Seeley,  Mrs.  Nathan 5  oo 

Seeman,  Daniel  W 10  oo 

Seibert,  Charles  L 200 

Sigelstein  &  Dvorkin 2  oo 

Seillierre,  Baroness S  50  oo 

Selden,  A.  K.  Jr 2  oo 

Seligman,  Edwin  R.  A 5  oo 

Seligman,  George  W 5  oo 

Seligman,  Isaac  N 25  oo 

Seligman,  Joseph  L 5  oo 

Senior,  Mrs.  S.  F 2  oo 

Sergeant,  Mrs.  J.  E S  5  oo 

Shaw,  Samuel  T 5  oo 

Sheldon,  Edwin  B 10  oo 

Shelton,  George  G 10  oo 

Shepard,  Augustus  D 10  oo 

*Shepard,  Edward  M 10  oo 

Shepard,  Mrs.  Elliot  F 25  oo 

Sherman,  Mrs.  Charles 

Austin 10  oo 

Sherman,  Mrs.  Charles  E. . .  10  oo 
Sherman,  Mrs.  Frederick 

Deming 5  oo 

Sherman,  Frederick  T 5  oo 

Shillaber,  William 10  oo 

Sibley,  Mrs.  H.  W 15  oo 

Silberberg,  H S  40  oo 

Silberstein,  Abraham 2  oo 

Sills,  J.  Stanley 5  oo 

Simmons,  John  S 5  oo 


Simon,  A.  L.  &  Co $10  oo 

Simon,  Franklin 5  oo 

Simpson,  Mrs.  W.  R 2  oo 

Skiddy,  Mrs.  W.  W 10  oo 

Skougard,  Jens 25  oo 

Slade,  Mrs.  A.  M 2  oo 

Slade,  Francis  Louis 5  oo 

Slicer,  Mrs.  Thomas  R 5  oo 

Sloan,  Miss  Mary  A 5  oo 

Sloan,  Mrs.  William  S 5  oo 

Smidt,  Thomas 5  oo 

Smith,  Mrs.  Alfred 5  oo 

Smith,  Mrs.  Andrew  A 5  oo 

Smith,  Mrs.  Andrew  H 10  oo 

Smith,  Mrs.  Arthur  C 25  oo 

Smith,  Augustine  C i  oo 

Smith,  E.  Munroe 4  59 

Smith,  Edwin  F i  oo 

Smith,  Eugene 25  oo 

Smith,  Miss  Fanny  R 5  oo 

Smith,  Mrs.  Fitch  W 5  oo 

Smith,  George  C 10  oo 

Smith,  Howard  C 10  oo 

Smith,  Pierre  J 1500 

Smith,  William  H 200 

Smith,  William  V.  R 5  oo 

Smith,  Mrs.  W.  Wheeler..  .  .  10  oo 

Smithers,  Charles  H i  oo 

Solomon,  Elias  L i  oo 

Soltmann,  Edward  G 10  oo 

Soper,  Frederick  D i  o  oo 

Speare,  E.  Ray 10  oo 

Speir,  Mrs.  Louis  Dean i  oo 

Spencer,  Charles  H 1000 

Speranza,  Gino  C 1000 

Sperry,  W.  M 1000 

Speyer  &  Co 10  oo 

Speyers,  Mrs.  James  Bayard.  2  oo 

Spool  Cotton  Co 25  oo 

Spring,  Miss  Anna  Riker ...  5  oo 

Squire,  George  A 5  oo 

Standish,  Mrs.  Myles 10  oo 

Standish,  Mrs.  Myles S  10  oo 

Starr,  Louis  Morris 10  oo 

Stauffen,  Mrs.  E i  oo 

Stebbins,  George  L 3  oo 

Stedman,  Emory  A i   oo 

Steele,  Charles 10  oo 

Steers,  James  R 10  oo 

Stein,  A 500 

Stein,  Miss  Helen  A 2  oo 

Steinhardt,  Henry 5  oo 

Steinhardt,  Irving  D i  oo 

Steinway,  Mrs.  Frederick  T..  5  oo 
Stephens,     Mr.     and     Mrs. 

John  L 5  oo 

Stern,  Albert i  oo 

Stern,  Benjamin 10  oo 

Stetson,  Francis  Lynde C  200  oo 

Stetson,  Francis  Lynde S  10  oo 

Stetson,  N 5  oo 


*  Deceased. 


CONTRIBUTOR'S  LIST. 


213 


ns  Mr-;.  Byam  K $15  oo 

nson.  Mrs.  Richard  W..  10  oo 

irt,  Lispcnard 25  oo 

Stewart,  Lisjx.>nanl E  5000  oo 

art,  Mrs.  Louis 10  oo 

art,  Mrs.  P.  H 10  oo 

Stewart,  W.  R 10  oo 

Stk'glitz,  Leo 5  oo 

Stillman,  Miss  Charlotte  R..  50  oo 

Stimson,  Henry  L 10  oo 

Stimson,  L.  A 10  oo 

Stirt-s,  Ernest  M 10  oo 

Stirn,  L.  &  E 10  oo 

Stokes,  Anson  Phelps 10  oo 

Stone,  Miss  Anna 10  oo 

Stone,  Miss  Ellen  J 50  oo 

Stone,  Junius  H 500 

Stonham,  Arthur S     75  oo 

Storer,  Albert  H 5  oo 

Storer,  Mrs.  Albert  H 10  oo 

Storey,  Miss  Lydia  M 5  oo 

Straight,  Mrs.  D.  Willard..  .  25  oo 

Strassberger,  Reinhard  W. . .  3  oo 

Strauss,  Albert 10  oo 

Strauss,  Nathan  F 10  oo 

Strong,  Miss  Alice  E C  100  oo 

Strong,  George  A 10  oo 

Strong,  Henry  M 200 

Strong,  Mrs.  J.  R 5  oo 

Strong,  Selah  B 500 

Stroock,  Louis  S 5  oo 

Sturgis,  Miss  Helen  R I  oo 

Sturgis,  Thomas 5  oo 

Sullivan,  Mrs.  Arthur  B. . .  .  S       2  oo 

Sullivan,  Mrs.  Emily  S 3  oo 

Sullivan,  Miss  Isabella 10  oo 

Sullivan,  Mrs.  James 4  oo 

Sumner,  Miss  Emily  D 5  oo 

Susquehanna  Silk  Mills 10  oo 

Sutro,  Ludwig 2  oo 

Swain,  E.  A 2  oo 

Swrzey,  Mrs.  Christopher.. .  5  oo 

Swift.  A.  J 25  oo 

Swords,  E.  J 3  oo. 


Tabcr,  Miss  Mary 3  oo 

Tack,  Theodore  E 500 

Taft.  Mrs.  Theodore  M 5  oo 

Talcott,  Miss  Anna  M 5  oo 

Talmadge,  Mrs.   Edward  T. 

H 5  oo 

Tannenholz,  Maurice I  oo 

Tapper,  Thomas 10  oo 

Tappin,  G.  L 5  oo 

Tappin.  John  C 10  oo 

Taves,  Mrs.  A.  W S   5  oo 

Taylor,  Mrs.  Alexander.  ...  10  oo 

Taylor,  S.  Frederick 15  oo 

Thacher,  Thomas 10  oo 

Thacher,  Mrs.  Thomas  D..  .  5  oo 

Thayer,  Reginald  H 5  oo 


Thiele  E $ 

Thomas.  Edgar  M S 

Thompson,  Mrs.  C.  L 

Thompson,    Mrs.    Frederick 

F 

Thompson,  Mrs.  Joseph  T. . 

Thompson,  Morris  S 

Thomson,  George  M 

Thomson,  John  W 

Thorne,  Joel  W 

Thorne,  Jonathan 

Thorne,  Samuel 

Thorne,  Mrs.  William 

Thorne,  W.  V.  S 

Tiebout,  W.  T 

Tiemann,  Mrs.  Ella  A 

Tiffany  &  Co 

Timpson,  Mrs.  James 

Tinslcy,  A.  L 

Titus,  Henry 

Todd,  Mrs.  Henry  A 

Todd.  Mrs.  Judson  Scott.  . . 

Todd,  W.  Parsons 

Todd,  William  R 

Tompkins,  Calvin 

Tompkins,  Hamilton  B 

Tompkins,  Kilbourne 

Tompkins,  Mrs.  William  W. 

Townsend,  Arthur  O 

Townsend,  Mrs.  Howard  R. . 

Townsend,  Isaac 

Townsend,  Dix  &  Yale 

Tracy,  Miss  M.  M 

Tracy,  Miss  M.  M S 

Trask,  Gustavus  D 

Tremper,  Mrs.  Clara  A.  F . . 
Trinity     Church     of     New 

Rochelle,  N.  Y 

Troescher,  A.  F 

Trowbridge,  James  A 

Tuck,  Mrs.  Henry 

Tucker,  Mrs.  S.  A 

Tuckerman,  Alfred 

Tuckerman,  Bayard 

Tuckerman,  Mrs.  Bayard..  . 

Tuckerman,  Paul 

Turnbull,  Miss  Hebn 

Turnbull,  Mrs.  Ramsav .... 

Turner,  Mrs.  Herbert  B 

Tuska,  Mrs.  M 

Tuttle,  George  M 

Tvrrel,  B.  H 


Ullman,  E.  S 

Ulman,  Mrs.  Morris  S 

Ulmann,  Carl  J 

Underbill.  Mrs.  A.  C 

Underbill.  Adna  A 

Underbill,  W.  P 

United  States  Bung  Mfg.  Co 
Upham,  Mrs.  E.  K 


10  oo 

1  oo 

2  oo 

25  oo 

25  oo 

10  oo 

5  oo 

10  OO 
10  00 

25  oo 
25  oo 
25  oo 
5  oo 
25  oo 
25  oo 
25  oo 

IO  OO 

5  oo 
5  oo 
5  oo 

10  00 
2  OO 

1  00 

5  oo 

10  00 

5  oo 
25  oo 

10  00 

2  OO 

25  oo 

10  00 
10  00 

15  oo 

I  00 

5  oo 
7  16 

20  00 
IO  OO 

5  oo 
15  oo 

IO  OO 

5  oo 

10  00 

5  oo 
5  oo 
5  0° 

IO  OO 
I  00 

5  °° 
500 


IO  OO 

2  OO 

IO  OO 

*  50 

5  oo 
5  oo 

2  00 
10  OO 


214 


THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


Van  Beuren,  Mrs.  Frederick 

T $10  oo 

Van  Beuren,  Michael  M. . . .  10  oo 

Van  Bokkelen,  Mrs.  L.  M .  .  i  oo 

Van  Brunt,  J.  R 5  oo 

Van  Buren,  E.  M i  oo 

Vanderbilt,  John  L 5  oo 

Vanderpoel,  Mrs.  John  A. .  .  10  oo 

Van  Dyke,  Mrs.  Henry 5  oo 

Van  Gerbig,  Mrs.  B 25  oo 

Van  Hoorn,  G 5  oo 

Van  Ingen,  Mrs.  E.  H 10  oo 

Van  Nest,  Mrs.  Frank  R .  . .  5  oo 

Van  Raalte,  Z 10  oo 

Van  Santvoord,  Miss  Anna 

T 20   00 

Van  Winkle,  Edgar  B I  oo 

Van  Winkle,  Miss  M.  D. . .  .  10  oo 

Verdi,  C.  M.  de  S 5  oo 

Verplanck,  Mrs.  W.  E 5  oo 

Verplanck,  Mrs.  W.  G 10  oo 

Vezin,  Charles 5  oo 

Villard,  Mrs.  Henry 20  oo 

Villard,  Oswald  Garrison 10  oo 

Voight,  Bernhard  H 5  oo 

Von  Lilienthal,  A.  W 5  oo 

Voorhees,  James  D 2  oo 

Vorhaus,  Louis  J 500 

W 

Wadhams,  A.  V S  5  oo 

Wadsworth,  W.  A 25  oo 

Waitzfelder,  Albert 2  oo 

Wakelee,  Mrs.  J.  I 5  oo 

Wakeman,    Miss    Elizabeth 

K 10  oo 

Wales,  Mrs.  Edward  H 2  oo 

Walker,  Mrs.  Emily  S 10  oo 

Walker,  Frederick  W 5  oo 

Walker,  H.  L 500 

Wanamaker,  John 5  oo 

Wandling,  James  L 5  oo 

Warburg,  Felix C  100  oo 

Warburg,  Mrs.  Felix  M 20  oo 

Ward,  Artemas 25  oo 

Ward,  Mrs.  Charles  H 5  oo 

Ward,  Mrs.  George  C 25  oo 

Ward,  Henry  G 20  oo 

Ward,  J.  Seeley 25  oo 

Wardwell,  Allen 10  oo 

Ware,  Mrs.  Moses  Weld 3  oo 

Warren,  Mrs.  E.  W 5  oo 

Washburn,  William  1 5  oo 

Waters,  Henry I  oo 

Watson,  J.  H 10  oo 

Watson,  Mrs.  James  S 25  oo 

Watson,  John  J.  Jr S  10  oo 

Watts,  Mrs.  E.  H.  W.  .....   S  2  oo 

Wayland,  John  Elton 10  oo 

Webb,  J.  Watson 10  oo 

Weber,  Adna  F 2  oo 


Weil,  Isaac.. $  5  oo 

Weinman,  J 100 

Weinman,  J S      2  60 

Welling,  W.  Brenton 5  oo 

Wellington,  Miss  E.  R 15  oo 

Wellman,  Mrs.  Francis  L. . .  10  oo 

Wells,  Mrs.  C.  L 5  oo 

Wells,  Henry  C 500 

Wemple,  Mrs.  Susan  J 5  oo 

Wemple,  W.  Y 10  oo 

Wenner,  G.  W 2  oo 

Werbelowsky,  Jacob  H 5  oo 

Wesendonck,  M.  A I  oo 

Wesley,  Joseph  J 500 

West  End  Collegiate  Church.  10  oo 

Weston,  Mrs.  Theodore ....  5  oo 

Wetmore,  Miss  Edith  M 10  oo 

Wetmore,  Mrs.  George  P.  . .  25  oo 

Wheeler,  Edward  J 5  oo 

Wheeler,  Miss  Emily  M. . . .  10  oo 

Wheeler,  F.  A 5  oo 

Wheeler,  H.  W I  oo 

Wheeler,  Miss  Laura 10  oo 

Wheeler,  Miss  Mariana 5  oo 

Wheelock,  William  E 10  oo 

White,  Alexander  M 10  oo 

White,  Alfred  T 10  oo 

White,  Alfred  T E  100  oo 

White,  Miss  Caroline 10  oo 

White,  Miss  Francis  E 20  oo 

White,  Harold  T 10  oo 

White  Miss  Henrietta 5  oo 

White,  Miss  Mary 2  oo 

White,  Miss  May  W 10  oo 

White,  William  Augustus. .  .  10  oo 

White,  Mrs.  William  P 2  oo 

Whitehouse,  Mrs.  J.  H 10  oo 

Whitley ,  Thomas 5  oo 

Whitlock,  Miss  M.  G 10  oo 

Whitman,  Nathaniel 25  oo 

Whitney,  J.  B 10  oo 

Whitney,  J.  F.  &  Co 2  oo 

Whittemore,  Sidney 10  oo 

Whittlesey,  C.  E 10  oo 

Wicke,  William 10  oo 

Wiener,  Mrs.  Charles 5  oo 

Wiggins,  Theodore  C 5  oo 

Wilkinson,  E.  T 5  oo 

Wilkinson,  Thomas  P i  oo 

Wilkinson  Bros.  &  Co. ...  3  oo 

Willcox,  William  G 10  oo 

Willcox,  Mrs.  William  G 10  oo 

Willenborg,  C.  &  Co 5  oo 

Willets,  John  T 10  oo 

Willets,  Mrs.  John  T S      6  oo 

Williams,  Frank  D 500 

Williams,  Mrs.  I.  T 5  oo 

Williams,  Mrs.  T.  S 25  oo 

Willis,  Mrs.  Joseph  G 6  oo 

Wills,  Charles  T 500 

Wilson,  Mrs.  H.  L 10  oo 

Wilson,  Orme  Jr 10  oo 

Wineburgh,  Michael 5  oo 


CONTRIBUTOR'S    LIST. 


215 


Winthrop,  Egerton  L  

$25  oo 

Worrall.  Petera  B  

$  5  oo 

Wise,  Edward  H  

10  00 

Wotherspoon,  Henry  H  

5  oo 

Wisner,  Miss  E.  H  

20  oo 

Wright,  L.  A  

5  oo 

Wisner,  Miss  Josephine.  .  .  . 

15  oo 

Wright,  William  J  

5  oo 

Witherbee,  Mrs.  F.  S  

15  oo 

Wurzburger,  Adolph  

5  oo 

Woerishoffer,  Mrs.  Anna.  .  . 

25  oo 

Wyckoff,  Mrs.  P.  B  

15  oo 

Wolfe,  S.  Herbert  

5  oo 

Wolff,  Mrs.  Julius  R  

5  oo 

Y 

Wolff,  Lewis  S  

10  oo 

Young,  Edwin  A  

I    OO 

Wolff,  Louis  

2   OO 

Young,  Thomas  

6  oo 

Wollman,  Henry  

I    OO 

Wood,  Charles  Morgan  

25  oo 

Z 

Wood,  Miss  E.  M  

I    OO 

Zabriskie,  Andrew  C  

10  OO 

Wood,  James  

IO  OO 

Zabriskie,  Mrs.  C  

IO  OO 

Wood,  Miss  Jessie  C  

5  oo 

Zabriskie,  George  

S      5  oo 

Woodhull,  J.  Clifford  

IO  OO 

Zabriskie,  Mrs.  George  

IO  OO 

Woolley,  Mrs.  J.  V.  S  

I    OO 

Zabriskie,  George  Gray  

5  oo 

Work,  J.  Henry  

10  OO 

Ziegler,  Mrs.  Henry  

5  oo 

Wormser,  Louis  

IO  OO 

Zimmerman,  Mrs.  J.  E  

IO  OO 

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O.  P.  J  

2   OO 

3  of  $10  

30  oo 

S.  F.  H  

5  oo 

4  of      5  

20  oo 

W.  W.  A  

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W.  W.  L  

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Q.  B.  M.  Z  

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"A  Client  of  Eugene  Smith"  . 

2   OO 

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A  Friend  

2<)   00 

Mrs.  L  

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25  oo 

A.  H  

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A.  Z  

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10  00 

C.  C  

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P.  S  

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A  Friend  

2  00 

H.R  

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A  Little  Sunday  School  in 

L.  R  

5  oo 

Newark  

S      5  oo 

M.  L  

12    50 

A  Self  Supporting  Woman  .  . 

S      i  oo 

W.  C  

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Baby  Adele  Alice.  

S      i  oo 

A.  B.  X  

5  oo 

East  Orange  

S      5  oo 

2i6  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

From  a  Sister 2  oo  New  Yorker S  i  oo 

In  Honor  of  St.  Anthony .  . .   S  i  oo  Sammy 5  oo 

In  Memory  of  A.  H 10  oo  Sympathizer S  3  oo 

Lucille  &  Baby S  3  oo  Three  Friends 5  oo 

Montclair S  5  oo  X  4061 1840 i  oo 

New  Haven,  Conn S  3  oo 


DuiKii tniiii  0f  £1  n  t  hit  w.  JRrciiHtta  Hattrr.  an& 
(Other  Srlpful  Articles. 


Adams,  Mrs.  C.  T. 

Bartlett,  Mrs.  P.  G. 

Baylies,  Mrs.  N.  E. 

Bayne,  Miss  C.  L. 

Benedict.  G.  W. 

Benton,  A.  A. 

Bigelow,  A. 

Butler,  Charles  Stewart. 

Church  of  the  Messiah. 

Coombe,  T.  Gorton. 

Crosby,  Miss  Eleanor. 

Davis,  C. 

I3cnnisoru  Mrs.  E.  F. 

Dudley,  Mrs.  John  L. 

Durst  &  Rubin. 

Dutton  &  Co.,  E.  P. 

Fackler,  D.  P. 

Fountain,  Miss  L.  E. 

Frank,  Mrs.  L.  E. 

Goodkind,  Miss  M. 

Gruening,  Dr.  Emil. 

Guthrie,  Mrs.  C.  S. 

Hernsheim.  Mrs.  Joseph. 

Hill.  Mrs.  Elizabeth  L. 

Holt.  Mrs.  L.  E. 

Hospital  Book  &  Newspaper  Soc. 

Howson,  Mrs. 

Ingersoll.  W.  H. 

Jones.  W.  Strother. 

Kaufmann,  S.  Walter. 

Kendall.  Miss. 

Kunhardt.  W.  B. 

LcBoutillier,  Thomas. 

Leech.  Mrs.  J.  E. 

Leo,  Miss. 


Lloyd.  A.  T. 
Loeser,  G.  C. 
Ludlam,  George  P. 
Madden,  Mrs. 
Mali,  Mrs.  P. 
Miller,  Mrs.  A. 
Miller,  Mrs.  W.  L. 
Moffat,  Mrs.  R.  B. 
Mommer,  E. 
Moran,  Miss. 
Mygatt,  Mrs.  L.  C. 
Neddlework,  Guild. 
Opdycke,  Mrs.  Emerson. 
Parsons,  William  B. 
Perry.  Mrs.  A. 
Pohlmann,  George. 
Polk,  Mrs.  F.  L. 
Pollack.  Miss  L. 
Preston,  Thomas  C. 
Rachau,  William  H. 
Rathacker,  Miss  Grace. 
Sahler,  Mrs.  H.  G. 
Schartz,  Mrs. 
Schermerhorn,  F.  A. 
Sigelstein  &  Dvorkin. 
Siflcock,  Mrs.  John  J. 
Smith,  Mrs.  Eugene. 
Spring,  Miss  Anna  Riker. 
Stanwood,  Mrs.  C. 
Stebbins,  Mrs.  E.  Vail. 
Stimson.  Thomas. 
Tompkins,  Mr. 
Vail.  Mrs.  O.  W. 
Webster,  Dr.  George  S. 
Wolfson,  Dr.  A.  M. 


CONSTITUTION  AND  BY-LAWS 

AN  ACT  to  incorporate  the  Prison  Association  of  New  York.     Passed  May 
9,  1846,  by  a  two-thirds  vote.     (As  subsequently  amended.) 

The  People  of  the  State  of  New  York,  represented  in  Senate  and  Assembly, 
do  enact  as  follows: 

§  I.  All  such  persons  as  are  now  and  hereafter  shall  become  members  to 
the  said  association  pursuant  to  the  constitution  thereof,  shall  and  are  hereby 
constituted  a  body  corporate  by  the  name  of  The  Prison  Association  of  New 
York,  and  by  that  name  have  the  powers  that  by  the  third  title,  of  the  eighteenth 
chapter,  of  the  first  part  of  the  Revised  Statutes,  are  declared  to  belong  to  every 
corporation,  and  shall  be  capable  of  purchasing,  holding  and  conveying,  any 
estate,  real  or  personal,  for  the  use  of  said  corporation,  provided  that  such 
real  estate  shall  never  exceed  the  yearly  value  of  ten  thousand  dollars,  nor  be 
applied  to  any  other  purpose  than  those  for  which  the  corporation  is  formed. 

§  2.  The  estate  and  concerns  of  said  corporation  shall  be  managed  and 
conducted  by  its  executive  committee,  in  conformity  to  the  constitution  of  the 
said  corporation;  and  the  following  articles  that  now  form  the  constitution  of 
the  association  shall  continue  ,to  be  the  fundamental  laws  and  constitution 
thereof,  subject  to  alterations  in  the  mode  therein  prescribed. 

Artirl*  3firat. 
The  objects  of  the  association  shall  be: 

1.  The  amelioration  of  the  condition  of  prisoners,  whether  detained  for  trial, 
or  finally  convicted,  or  as  witnesses. 

2.  The  improvement  of  prison  discipline  and  the  government  of  prisons, 
whether  for  cities,  counties  or  states. 

3.  The  support  and  encouragement  of  reformed  convicts  after  their  dis- 
charge, by  affording  them  the  means  of  obtaining  an  honest  livelihood,  and 
sustaining  them  in  their  efforts  at  reform. 


Arttrl* 

The  officers  of  the  society  shall  be  a  president,  vice-presidents,  a  recording 
secretary,  a  corresponding  secretary,  and  a  treasurer,  and  there  shall  be  the 
following  standing  committees,  viz.:  a  finance  committee,  a  committee  on 
detentions,  a  committee  on  prison  discipline,  a  committee  on  discharged  con- 
victs and  an  executive  committee.  The  number  of  the  executive  committee 
shall  consist  of  not  more  than  thirty-five,  of  whom  not  more  than  ten  shall 
be  officers  of  the  society,  and  not  more  than  twenty-five  shall  be  persons  other 
than  officers. 

Artirl*  SHftrH. 

The  officers  named  in  the  preceding  article  shall  be  ex-officio  members  of 
the  executive  committee,  who  shall  choose  one  of  their  number  to  be  chairman 
thereof. 

218 


CONSTITUTION  AND  BY-LAWS.  219 

Arttrlr  JFourth. 

The  executive  committee  shall  meet  once  in  each  month,  and  keep  regular 
minutes  of  their  proceedings.  They  shall  have  a  general  superintendence  and 
direction  of  the  affairs  of  the  society,  and  shall  annually  report  to  the  society 
all  their  proceedings,  and  such  other  matters  as  shall  be  likely  to  advance  the 
ends  of  the  association. 

Arttrlr  JFtftlj. 

The  society  shall  meet  annually  in  the  city  of  New  York,  at  such  time  and 
place  as  the  executive  committee  shall  appoint,  and  at  such  other  times  as  the 
president,  or  in  his  absence,  one  of  the  vice-presidents,  shall  designate. 

Arttrlr  *i vth. 

Any  person  contributing  annually  to  the  funds  of  the  association  not  less  than 
five  dollars  shall,  owing  to  such  contribution,  be  a  member  thereof.  A  con- 
tribution of  five  hundred  dollars  shall  constitute  a  life  patron;  a  contribution 
of  one  hundred  dollars  shall  constitute  an  honorary  member  of  the  association 
for  life,  and  a  contribution  of  fifty  dollars  shall  constitute  a  member  of  the 
association  for  life.  Honorary  and  corresponding  members  may,  from  time 
to  time,  be  appointed  by  the  executive  committee. 

• 

Arttrlr  *r nrttlh. 

A  female  department  shall  be  formed,  consisting  of  such  females  as  shall 
be  selected  by  the  executive  committee,  who  shall  have  charge  of  the  interest 
and  welfare  of  prisoners  of  their  sex,  under  such  regulations  as  the  executive 
committee  shall  adopt. 

Arttrlr  €tg!n% 

The  officers  of  the  association  shall  be  chosen  annually  at  the  annual  meeting, 
at  which  time  such  persons  may  be  elected  honorary  members  as  shall  have 
rendered  essential  service  to  the  cause  of  prison  discipline. 

Arttrlr  Ninth. 

Any  society  having  the  same  objects  in  view  may  become  auxiliary  to  this 
association  by  contributing  to  its  funds  and  cooperating  with  it. 

Arttrlr  crntb. 

The  executive  committee  shall  have  power  to  add  to  any  of  the  standing  com  - 
mittees  such  persons  as,  in  their  opinion,  may  be  likely  to  promote  the  objects 
of  the  society,  and  shall  have  power  to  fill  any  vacancy  which  may  occur  in 
any  of  the  offices  of  the  association,  intermediate  the  annual  meetings. 

Arttrlr  Elrnrnlh. 

This  constitution  may  be  amended  by  a  vote  of  the  majority  of  the  society 
at  any  meeting  thereof,  provided  notice  of  the  amendment  has  been  given  at 
the  next  preceding  meeting. 

The  officers  elected  for  the  current  year,  under  the  constitution,  shall  con- 
tinue to  be  the  officers  thereof  until  others  shall  be  duly  chosen  in  their  places. 

And  it  is  hereby  further  enacted  that  no  manager  of  said  society  shall  receive 
compensation  for  his  services. 


22O  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

§  3.  The  said  executive  committee  shall  have  power  to  establish  a  work- 
house in  the  county  of  New  York,  and  in  their  discretion,  to  receive  and  take 
into  the  said  workhouse  all  such  persons  as  shall  be  taken  up  and  committed 
as  vagrants  or  disorderly  persons  in  said  city  as  the  Court  of  General  Sessions 
of  the  Peace,  or  the  Court  of  Special  Sessions,  or  the  Court  of  Oyer  and  Ter- 
miner,  in  said  county,  or  any  police  magistrate,  or  the  commissioner  of  the 
almshouse  may  deem  proper  objects,  and  the  said  executive  committee  shall 
have  the  same  powers  to  keep,  detain,  employ  and  govern  the  said  persons 
as  are  now  by  law  conferred  on  the  keepers  of  the  bridewell  or  penitentiary  in 
said  city. 

§  4.  The  said  executive  committee  may,  from  time  to  time,  make  by-laws, 
ordinances  and  regulations,  relative  to  the  management  and  disposition  of  the 
estate  and  concerns  of  said  association,  and  the  management,  government, 
instruction,  discipline  and  employment,  of  the  persons  so  as  aforesaid  committed 
to  the  said  workhouse,  not  contrary  to  law,  as  they  may  deem  proper,  and  may 
appoint  such  officers,  agents  and  servants  as  they  may  deem  necessary  to  trans- 
act the  business  of  the  said  association,  and  may  designate  their  duties.  And 
the  said  executive  committee  shall  make  an  annual  report  to  the  Legislature 
and  to  the  corporation  of  the  city  of  New  York,  of  the  number  of  persons 
received  by  them  into  the  said  workhouse,  the  disposition  which  shall  be  made 
of  them  by  instructing  or  employing  them  therein,  the  receipts  and  expendir 
tures  of  said  executive  committee,  and  generally  all  such  facts  and  particulars 
as  may  exhibit  the  operations  of  the  said  association. 

§  5.  The  said  executive  committee  shall  have  power,  during  the  minority 
of  any  of  the  persons  so  committed  to  the  said  workhouse,  to  bind  out  the 
said  persons  so  being  minors,  as  aforesaid,  as  apprentices  or  servants,  with  their 
consent  during  their  minority,  to  such  persons  and  at  such  places,  to  learn  such 
proper  trades  and  employments  as  in  their  judgment  will  be  most  conducive 
to  their  reformation  and  amendment  and  future  benefit  and  advantage  of  such 
persons. 

§  6.  The  said  executive  committee  by  such  committees  as  they  shall  from 
time  to  time  appoint,  shall  have  power,  and  it  shall  be  their  duty  to  visit,  inspect 
and  examine,  all  the  prisons  in  the  State,  and  annually  report  to  the  Legisla- 
ture their  state  and  condition,  and  all  such  other  things  in  regard  to  them  as 
may  enable  the  Legislature  to  perfect  their  government  and  discipline.  And 
to  enable  them  to  execute  the  powers  and  perform  the  duties  hereby  granted 
and  imposed,  they  shall  possess  all  the  powers  and  authority  that  by  the  twenty- 
fourth  section,  of  title  first,  chapter  third,  part  fourth  of  the  Revised  Statutes 
are  invested  in  inspectors  of  county  prisons  and  the  duties  of  the  keepers  of 
each  prison  that  they  may  examine  shall  be  the  same  in  relation  to  them,  as 
in  the  section  aforesaid,  are  imposed  on  the  keepers  of  such  prisons  in  relation 
to  the  inspectors  thereof;  provided,  that  no  such  examination  or  inspection  of 
any  prison  shall  be  made  until  an  order  for  that  purpose  to  be  granted  by  the 
chancellor  of  this  State,  or  one  of  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  or  by  a  vice- 
chancellor  or  circuit  judge,  or  by  the  first  judge  of  the  county  in  which  the  prison 
to  be  examined  shall  be  situate  shall  first  have  been  had  and  obtained,  which 
order  shall  specify  the  name  of  the  prison  to  be  examined,  the  names  of  the 
persons,  members  of  the  said  association,  by  whom  the  examination  is  to  be 
made,  and  the  time  within  which  the  same  must  be  concluded. 


I.  There  shall  be  a  stated  meeting  of  the  executive  committee  on  the  third 
Thursday  of  each  month,  and  special  meetings  shall  be  held  on  the  requisition 
of  the  chairman  or  any  three  members  of  the  executive  committee.     The  call 
for  a  special  meeting  shall,  in  all  cases,  state  the  business  to  be  transacted  at 
said  meeting. 

II.  At  every  meeting  of  the  executive  committee  five  members  shall  be 
necessary  to  constitute  a  quorum. 

III.  The  order  of  business  at  the  annual  meeting  shall  be  as  follows: 

1.  Election  of  chairman  and  secretary. 

2.  1  he  reading  of  the  minutes  of  the  last  meeting. 

3.  Report  of  committee  on  nominations. 

4.  Election  of  officers. 

5.  Report  of  corresponding  secretary  on  the  work  of  the  year. 

6.  Annual  report  of  the  treasurer. 

IV.  The  order  of  business  at  exery  other  stated  meeting  shall  be  as  follows: 

1.  The  reading  and  approval  of  the  minutes  of  the  last  preceding  meeting. 

2.  Report  of  treasurer. 

3.  Reports  from  standing  committees. 

4.  Report  from  the  corresponding  secretary. 

5.  Reports  from  special  committees. 

6.  Report  from  the  general  agent. 

7.  Miscellaneous  business. 

At  a  special  meeting  no  other  business  shall  be  transacted  than  that  for 
which  the  said  meeting  was  called. 

V.  The  chairman  shall  appoint  all  standing  and  special  committees  and 
decide  all  questions  of  order,  subject  to  an  appeal;  and  the  rules  of  order  shall 
be  those  embodied  in  Cushing's  Manual,  so  far  as  they  arc  applicable. 

VI.  The  recording  secretary  of  the  association  shall  be  the  secretary  of  the 
executive  committee;  and  it  shall  be  his  duty  to  keep  the  minutes  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  said  committee,  to  record  them  in  a  book  provided  for  that  purpose, 
and  to  give  due  notice  of  all  meetings  of  the  committee. 

VII.  The  corresponding  secretary  shall  conduct  the  correspondence  of  the 
executive  committee  and  of  each  of  the  standing  committees;  and  shall  act  as 
the  general  financial  agent  of  the  association,  and  shall  report  at  each  stated 
meeting  of  the  committee. 

VIII.  The  treasurer  shall  have  charge  of  the  funds  of  the  association,  and 
shall  give  such  security  as  the  executive  committee  may  require.     His  duties 
are  more  fully  defined  in  by-law  X. 

IX.  There  shall  be  six  standing  committees,  namely,  on  finance,  detentions, 
discharged  convicts,  law,  house,  and  library. 


222  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

X.  The  committee  on  finance  shall  be  charged  with  the  duty  of  raising  and 
caring  for  the  funds. 

The  funds  of  the  association  shall  be  divided  into  three  parts  to  be  known 
as: 

1.  The  endowment  fund. 

2.  The  reserve  fund. 

3.  The  general  fund. 

The  Endowment  Fund. —  The  endowment  fund  shall  consist  of  such  con- 
tributions as  shall  be  given  with  the  restriction  that  the  income  only  shall  be 
used  for  the  purpose  of  the  association,  and  all  legacies. 

The  Reserve  Fund. —  The  reserve  fund  shall  consist  of  such  sums  as  may  be 
set  aside  from  the  general  fund  from  time  to  time  by  the  executive  committee 
for  investment.  Whenever  any  part  of  the  reserve  fund  shall  be  appropriated 
by  the  executive  committee,  such  sum  shall  be  immediately  transferred  to  the 
general  fund.  The  endowment  and  reserve  funds  shall  be  under  the  immediate 
direction  and  control  of  the  committee  on  finance,  and  all  investments  of  these 
funds  shall  be  ordered  by  the  committee.  The  treasurer  of  the  association 
shall  be  a  member  and  act  as  the  treasurer  of  the  committee  on  finance,  and 
shall  be  responsible  for  the  safe-keeping  of  the  sureties  of  the  endowment  and 
reserve  funds. 

Any  uninvested  balance  of  the  endowment  and  reserve  funds  shall  be  kept 
each  in  separate  trust  companies  in  the  name  of  the  association,  subject  to  check 
of  the  treasurer,  and  shall,  whenever  possible,  bear  interest.  All  income  from 
the  endowment  and  reserve  funds  may  be  transferred  to  the  general  fund  as 
soon  as  received. 

No  part  of  the  reserve  fund  shall  be  used  for  any  purpose  except  by  reso- 
lution of  the  executive  committee,  and  whenever  any  part  shall  be  appropriated 
by  the  executive  committee  it  shall  immediately  be  transferred  to  the  general 
fund. 

The  General  Fund. —  The  term  "general  fund"  shall  cover  all  receipts  of 
the  association  not  constituting  a  special  fund  or  specified  for  the  endowment 
fund,  the  intention  being  that  all  the  income,  except  legacies,  including  dona- 
tions for  general  purposes,  and  income  from  endowment  and  reserve  funds, 
shall  be  credited  to  the  general  fund  to  which  the  authorized  disbursements 
of  each  activity  of  the  association  shall  be  charged  at  the  close  of  the  fiscal  year. 

The  treasurer  shall  notify  the  corresponding  secretary  at  once  of  all  transfers 
of  income  from  the  endowment  and  reserve  funds  to  the  general  fund. 

The  treasurer  shall  notify  the  corresponding  secretary,  immediately  on 
receipt  by  him  of  any  sum  for  the  account  of  the  association,  that  such  receipt 
may  be  entered  at  once  to  the  credit  of  the  proper  account'on  the  books  of  the 
association. 

The  corresponding  secretary  shall  be  the  general  disbursing  agent  of  the 
association,  the  object  of  the  provision  being  to  keep  in  the  central  offices  of 
the  association  all  receipts  for  payments  by  him  for  the  association  of  any  kind, 
nature  or  description,  and  to  have  in  the  central  offices  immediate  record  of  all 
his  disbursements.  This  provision  shall  not  apply  to  the  endowment  and  reserve 
funds. 

All  donations  received  by  the  corresponding  secretary  shall  be  entered  by 
him  upon  the  proper  books  of  the  association  and  then  deposited  in  such  bank 


CONSTITUTION  AND  BY-LAWS.  223 

as  directed  by  the  treasurer  to  the  credit  of  the  association.  Whenever  the 
executive  committee  shall  make  an  appropriation  out  of  either  the  reserve  or 
general  fund,  the  corresponding  secretary  shall  send  to  the  treasurer  a  copy  of 
the  resolution  making  the  appropriation,  certified  by  the  recording  secretary, 
which  certified  copy  shall  be  the  treasurer's  authority  for  transferring  the 
appropriated  amount  to  the  corresponding  secretary. 

The  treasurer  shall  keep  an  account  covering  the  general  fund  in  the  name 
of  the  association,  subject  to  his  check  as  treasurer  in  such  bank  as  may  be 
selected  by  him  and  approved  by  the  committee  on  finance.  Such  account  shall 
be  separate  and  distinct  from  those  accounts  opened  for  the  uninvested  balance 
of  the  endowment  and  reserve  funds. 

The  corresponding  secretary  shall  keep  a  bank  account  in  the  name  of  the 
association,  subject  to  his  check  as  corresponding  secretary  for  current  dis- 
bursements, and  shall  deposit  to  the  credit  of  said  bank  account  all  moneys 
he  may  receive  from  the  treasurer  drawn  from  the  general  fund. 

The  committee  on  finance  shall  audit  and  report  upon  accounts  of  the  treas- 
urer and  of  the  corresponding  secretary. 

At  each  regular  meeting  of  the  executive  committee  the  treasurer  shall  make 
a  detailed  statement  of  the  receipts  and  disbursements  for  the  preceding  calendar 
month.  He  shall  make  a  statement  showing  investments  and  the  receipts  and 
disbursements  of  the  endowment  and  reserve  funds;  he  shall  make,  at  the  annual 
meeting  of  the  association,  a  detailed  statement  of  receipts  and  disbursements 
for  the  fiscal  year. 

XI.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  committee  on  detentions: 

1.  To  inquire,  as  far  as  may  be  practicable  or  necessary,  into  the  causes  of 
commitment  of  persons  in  the  prisons  or  houses  of  detention  in  the  cities  of 
New  York  and  in  Brooklyn,  and  to  adopt  proper  measures  for  procuring  the 
discharge  or  providing  for  the  defense  of  such  as  shall  appear  to  be  entitled 
thereto. 

2.  To  visit  frequently  the  prisons  under  their  charge,  and  to  endeavor  to 
improve  both  the  physical  and  moral  condition  of  the  prisoners  in  all  suitable 
and  practicable  ways. 

XII.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  committee  on  discharged  convicts: 

1.  To  correspond   with   prison   agents  or  superintendents   relative  to  the 
character  and  trades  of  prisoners,  and  to  ascertain,  previous  to  the  discharge 
of  each  prisoner,  his  feelings,  views  and  capabilities,  with  a  view  of  making  the 
best  arrangements  for  his  future  employment. 

2.  To  keep  a  record  of  all  persons  who  will  employ  discharged  prisoners 
and  of  their  several  occupations;  to  procure  such  employment  for  prisoners 
and  applying  therefor  as  seems  best  adapted  to  the  capacity  of  each;  to  hold 
correspondence  with  employers;  to  keep  a  record  of  the  conduct  and  prospects 
of  those  for  whom  places  have  been  obtained,  that  they  may  be  sustained  and 
encouraged  with  the  idea  that  a  continued  friendly  interest  is  felt  for  them. 

3.  To  secure  suitable  boarding  places  for  discharged  prisoners,  where  they 
will  not  be  exposed  to  corrupting  influences,  taking  care  not  to  have  more  than 
one  in  a  place,  where  it  can  be  avoided. 

4.  To  see  that  the  prisoners  are  provided  with  suitable  clothing,  of  a  kind 
that  will  not  attract  particular  attention. 

5.  To  consider  the  internal  organization  of  the  management  of  prisons,  and 
the  physical  and  moral  influences  to  be  exerted  on  the  prisoners  during  their 


224  THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 

confinement;  to  report  upon  their  health,  reformation,  upon  convict  labor, 
administration  and  internal  police,  on  the  comparative  merits  of  different 
prison  systems,  and  on  the  visitation  of  prisons  and  houses  of  reformation. 

XIII.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  committee  on  law  to  examine  and  report 
from  time  to  time  upon  the  penal  legislation  of  the  State,  with  their  suggestions 
for  the  amendment  thereto,  to  consider  questions  relating  thereto  which  are 
under  discussion  in  the  press  or  the  Legislature,  including  pending  bills,  and 
report  their  views  and  conclusions  upon  them;  also  to  care  for  the  law  business 
of  the  association. 

XIV.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  committee  on  house  to  care  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  real  estate  of  the  association. 

XV.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  committee  on  library  to  see  that  it  is  properly 
housed  and  catalogued  and  to  take  steps  for  its  increase. 

XVI.  One  or  more  agents  may  be  appointed  by  the  executive  committee  to 
assist  the  standing  committees  in  their  duties. 

XVII.  The  president,  chairman  of  the  executive  committee,  and  correspond- 
ing secretary  shall  be  members,  ex  officio,  of  all  the  standing  committees. 

XVIII.  No  alteration  shall  be  made  in  these  by-laws  except  upon  notice 
of  the  proposed  amendment  given  at  a  previous  meeting  of  the  executive  com- 
mittee. 


Page. 

American    Institute   of   Criminal 

Law  and  Criminology 60 

American  Piison  Association.  .49,    61 

Amersfoort,  Holland 75 

Anhalt,  Germany 75 

Antwerp,  Belgium 74,     75 

Moor,  Holland 75 

Avereest,  Holland 75 

Aylesbury,     Borstal     Institution. 

England 168,  1 76 

Baden  Baden,  Germany 75 

Barrows,  Dr.  S.  J 74 

Beggar  Colonies 

Belgium 70-101 

Holland 79-85,  102-1 1 1 

Germany 79-85.  112-140 

Berlin,  Germany 75,  115 

Bielefeld,  Germany 75 

population 134 

voluntary  labor  colony 133 

Wilhelmsdorf 133 

Big  Brother^ 61 

Bonds,  issue  of  long-term 14 

Borstal  Institution,  England, 

152,  154,  160,  161 

Borstal  Association 175-176 

comparison  with  Elmira. . . .  169-170 

cost 172-173 

daily  routine 170 

differences 170-171 

modified  Borstal  treatment.  176-178 

occupations 171-173 

results 173-175 

what  Borstal  is 168 

Branthwaitc,  Dr 166 

Brauweiler,  Germany 75,  125-132 

conduct 127 

earnings 131-132 

finances 1 26 

history. 125 

industries 126-131 

inmates  and  population 127 

results 132 

routine 128 

Carnegie    Institute,   Cold   Spring 
Harbor,  N.  Y 51 


P  |  . 
Carlisle.  Rev.  Wilson  and  Victor 

W 106-107 

Carton  de  Wiart,  Madame 77 

Century  Fund 67 

Clinton  Prison,  see  State  Prisons 

Collins,  Cornelius  V 56 

Conferences  and  Meetings ....  60,    61 

Constitution  and  By-Laws 218-224 

Contents,  Table  of 5-6 

Contributors 199-217 

Cooperation 13 

Courts 

Special  Sessions 27 

General  Sessions 29-31 

Magistrates 27 

of  Appeals 27,    28 

probation  in 27 

Grain,  Judge  T.  C.  F 36 

Crefeld,  Germany 75 

Crime,  seriousness  of  problem 4 

Dangerous  Weapons,  law  regard- 
ing       59 

Defective  Delinquents 13 

committee  on 61 

Delinquents,  Feeble-minded, 

i4.47-5i.6l,    72 

Dresselhuis,  H.  C 76 

Edinburgh,  Scotland t 75 

Elmira  Reformatory 15,    56 

compared  with  Borstal 169-170 

parole 15-38 

Sage  Foundation,  Study  of ....     60 

Ely,  Smith n,    6a 

Farm  Colonies 39~46 

Board  of  Inebriety 13 

State  Industrial  Farm  Colony..     13 

Farms,  prison 39~46 

in  New  York 40-46 

in  other  states 39.    40 

Farrcll,  Miss  Elizabeth 61 

Fetter,  Prof.  P.  A 141 

Finances 12,61-62,  188-194 

Fiscal  Supervisor 14 

Foster.  Judge  Warren  W 36 

Gibbons.  James  S 76 

Giddings,  Professor  F.  H 4 


[-225] 


226 


THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


Page. 

Glasgow,  Scotland 75 

Goddard,  Dr.  H.  H.,  on  feeble- 
mindedness  47-48,  6 1 

Great  Meadow  Prison,  see  State 
Prisons 

Haarlem,  Holland 74,     75 

The  Hague,  Holland 74,     75 

Hart,  Dr.  Hastings  G 61 

Hart's  Island,  see  N.  Y.  City 
Reformatory  for  Misdemeanants 

Holloway  Prison,  England 159 

Hondus,   Mr.,   director  of  Veen- 

huizen 1 1 1 

Honorary  Corresponding  Mem- 
bers  7<>-77 

Honorary  Life  Members 196 

Hoogstraeten,  Belgium 86-87 

House  of  Refuge,  study  of  feeble- 
minded in 48 

Howard  Association,  England. ...    178 

Isle  of  Wight 75 

Industry,  State  Agricultural  and 

Industrial  School  at 40 

Inebriety    ' 

Board  of 13,  41 ,     42 

treatment  of 59 

treatment  of,  in  England, 

100, 165-167 

International  Congress  on  Ques- 
tions Relating  to  Discharged 
Prisoners  and  Morally  Aban- 
doned Children. 74 

International  Prison  Congress 63 

Inverness,  Scotland 75 

Jails,  county .44-45 

boys  in 44~45 

Jukes  Family 50-51 

Kellerhals,  Otto 142-146 

Kelly,  Edmond •. . . .   141 

Krohne,  Dr.  E 76 

Labor  Colonies 

centralized  control 80 

compulsory 79-132,  141-146 

conduct 84 

deterrent 83 

inmates 81 

inmates'  labor 84 

no  politics 81 

not  reformatories 82 

voluntary 133-140 


Labor  Colonies  Page. 

acreage 135 

admissionsand  discharges,  138-139 

ages 137 

.     a  justification 140 

not  a  solution 139 

population 134,  136 

purposes I34~i35 

what  is  accomplished 135 

Legislation 14,     59 

Lewis,  O.  F 1 79 

Life  Members •. . .  197-198 

Life  Patrons 195 

London,  England 75 

McMahon,  John  D .  . 54 

McNeill,  Sir  John 104 

Mendicancy  and  Vagrancy 75-85 

Merxplas,  Belgium 75,  79-101 

canteen .' 96 

classification 95 

cost 94-95 

daily  program 99 

dietary 97~99 

earnings  of  colonists ,  .  93-94 

finances 92-93 

food 97 

guards 100-101 

nature  of  colony 88 

not  penal  colony 91 

occupations 91-92 

penal  code 86 

population 89-90 

punishments 100 

segregation 87 

Mulqueen,  Judge  J.  F 36 

Napanoch  Reformatory 15,     56 

parole 1 5-38 

National  Conference  of  Charities 

and  Correction 49,     61 

New  Institutions 13 

New  York  City 

Conference    of     Charities    and 

Correction 60 

correctional  institutions 12,     13 

prison,  see  Tombs 
Reformatory    for    Misdemean- 
ants  13.37,     43 

study  of 13,     14 

New  York  State  Reformatory  for 
Women,  Bedford,  study  of 
f eeble-mindedness  in 48 


INDEX. 


227 


i   . 

Ommerschanz 103-105 

O'Sullivan,  Judge  Thomas  C 36 

Osborn,  William  Church 54 

'-.IT,  Dr.  Gco.  M 48-49 

.hurst  Prison,  England, 

155.  159.  162 

Parole  Bureau 12,  15-38 

Penal  Codes 

Belgium 86-87 

Germany 113 

*nd 102 

Penitentiaries 

boys  in 44-45 

county 14,  44-45 

prison  labor  in 58 

Penitentiary 

Blackwell's  Island 57 

Onondaga  County 58 

Pentonville  Prison,  England..  100,  159 

flu-ad  Prison,  Scotland 75 

Police  Commissioner 21 

Portland  Prison,  England 152 

Preface 3 

Prins,  Adolph 77 

Prison  Association  of  New  York 

officers 7 

staff.  .  9 

standing  committees 8 

Prison  Labor 52-58 

in  county  penitentiaries 59 

in  New  York 53~58 

in  New  York  city 57 

in  other  states 52-53 

tigation  of 54~58 

national  committee  on 14 

Prisoners 

assistance  to  families  of 14 

assistance   to  released  or  dis- 
charged      14 

employment  of 20 

tment  of  discharged,  in  Eng- 
land  163-165 

Prisons,  English 
Borstal  institutions  and  methods, 

168-178 
compared  with  American  sys- 

tcm 152 

cost I58-IS9 

daily  routine 161-162 


Prisons,  English  ; 

dietary 163 

•list-barged  prisoners 163-165 

habitual  criminals 154 

inebriate  reformatories 165-167 

juvenile  adults 154 

labor  and  industries 157-160 

population 160-161 

prison  act  of  1898 153 

punishments 157 

separate  confinement 155 

system 151 

Probation 27-38 

and  civil  service 27 

by  board  of  inebriety 41 

in  counties 28 

in  court  of  general  sessions.  .  .29-31 

in  New  York  state 27 

in  other  states 28,    29 

Probation  Bureau  of  Prison  As- 
sociation  12. 15-38 

Relief   Work  of  Prison  Associa- 
tion  15-38 

Riviere,  Louis 106 

Rodgers,  Major 155.  162 

Rosalsky,  Judge  Otto  A 36 

Rosenfeld,  Dr.  Ernest 77 

Ruggles-Brise,  Sir  Evelyn,  76,  151,  175 
Rummelsburg,  Berlin 

a  city  workhouse 115 

daily  routine 123 

earnings  and  gratuities 121-122 

occupations 119-121 

population 1 16,  1 1 7,  1 23 

results 1 24 

sentences 116 

statistics 119-121 

Salary  Classification  Commission.     22 

Scott,  Joseph  F 56 

Scott,  Walter  George 76 

Sing  Sing  Prison,  see  State  Prisons 

Smith,  Eugene 63 

Spf5*«ffl  Sessions,  Gourt  of 27 

Stammer,  George 77 

State  Board  of  Charities 13 

State  Board  of  Magistrates 49 

State  Charities  Aid  Association,..     14 
State  Commission  on  Prisons.  ...     12 
State  Conference  of  Charities  and 
Correction 14.    49 


228 


THE  PRISON  ASSOCIATION  OF  NEW  YORK. 


Page. 

State  Custodial  Asylum  for  Feeble- 
minded Male  Delinquents 14 

State  Industrial  Farm  Colony, . . . 

41,  78,  79,  180,  181 
State  Prisons 

Clinton 17,     55 

Comstock 40 

Great  Meadow 55 

Investigation  of 12,  14,  54-58 

Letter  to  prisoners  in 18 

Parole 15-38 

Sing  Sing 23,  54-56,  59,  160 

Wingdale 40,  41 ,  56,  59-60 

State  Probation  Commission 14 

proposed  State   probation   and 

parole  commission.  ...  14,  31,     59 
State    Reformatory    for    Misde- 
meanants  14,  43-45 

bill  failed  to  pass 59 

State  Training  School  for  Girls,  14,     57 

Statistics  of  Crime 63-73 

Swann,  Judge  Edward 36 

Szilagyi,  Arthur 77 

Tombs,  Trie 13 

f eeble-mindedness  in 48-49 

Prison' Association  and 32-34 

violators  of  parole  in 21 

Tramps,  see  Vagrancy 

Treasurer's  Report 188-194 

Vagrancy 

Departmental   Committee's  re- 
port   147-148 

in  England 147-150 

in  foreign  countries 79-178 

in  United  States 

begging 186 

commitments 179 

costs  should  be  State's 182 

education  a  preventive  meas- 
ure     186 

idleness  in  jail 184 

lodgings 185,  186 

national  problem 1 80 

national  vagrancy  committee.  185 

railway  trespass 181 

short  sentences 184 

State  officials 184 

use  of  almshouses 182 

Royal  Commission's  report,  148-149 


Vagrants  Page, 

commitment  to  almshouses  and 

county  jails 59 

English  classification  of 149-150 

Vambery,  Dr.  R 77 

Van  Kennen,  George  E 54 

Veenhuizen,  Holland 75,  102-1 1 1 

buildings 107 

escapes no 

food  and  earnings no 

history 103-107 

industries 108-1 10 

old  methods 109 

penal  code 102 

population 104-107 

punishments 1 10-1 1 1 

results in 

Ver  Loren  van  Themaat,  H.  B. .  .     76 
Vineland,  New  Jersey,  State  School 

for  Feeble-minded 50 

Vlissingen,  A.  Fentener  van 76 

Von  Hippel,  Dr 111-114 

Wade,  Frank  E. 

address 44~46 

report   on    Onondaga    Peniten- 
tiary      58 

Whitin,  E.  Stagg 53 

Whitney,  Patrick  A 43 

Williams,  Sergeant  Grant 21 

Willinck,  H.  G 104-105 

Wilson,  Dr.  Albert 107 

Wines,  Dr.  E.  C 74 

Wingdale,  see  State  Prisons 

Witzwil 141-146 

acreage 141 

as  model  to  New  York 146 

equipment 145 

inmates 145 

industries 143-144 

methods 142 

successful  penal  farm 141 

valuation 142 

Workhouses,  foreign 

German  compulsory 1 12-132 

Brauweiler 125-132 

Rummelsburg 1 15-124 

Wormwood  Scrubbs,  England, 

152,  159,  160,  162 
Wortel,  Belgium 86,     87 


&3&SERSSSS**"*"'* 

B 


